Conflict in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Motion

Minister for Foreign Affairs (Deputy Micheál Martin)

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

expresses its deepest concern at the continued deterioration of the situation in Gaza and the resulting catastrophic humanitarian disaster with over 24,000 dead, thousands missing, 1.9 million people displaced, and massive destruction of housing and vital infrastructure, including education facilities;

deeply deplores the major food insecurity on a massive scale, with United Nations (UN) agencies warning of imminent famine which will affect 400,000 people, the near collapse of the health system in large parts of Gaza with 65 per cent of hospitals now shut and the World Health Organisation (WHO) warning of widespread death from preventable diseases;

condemns the ongoing bombardment of Gaza;

highlights the urgent need for full, safe, and unhindered access for the delivery of humanitarian aid by UN agencies and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs);

demands the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages held by Hamas and other armed groups in Gaza, and the cessation of indiscriminate rocket fire from Gaza into Israel;

underlines its deep concern at the continued deterioration of the situation in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, particularly the violence against and displacement of Palestinian communities by some Israeli settlers;

condemns the recent Israeli announcements of further funding for illegal settlements, which are a breach of international law and undermines the two-state solution;

notes:

— the International Court of Justice (ICJ) proceedings instituted by South Africa under the Genocide Convention, and the hearings last week involving the parties to this case;

— the concerns expressed by a range of States and organisations regarding breaches of international law, including international humanitarian law in this fraught and catastrophic conflict;

— the two other cases and investigations ongoing in respect of Israel and Palestine, including the ICJ advisory opinion on the legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem; and the ongoing investigation by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) of the situation in Palestine, focused on potential war crimes and crimes against humanity since 2014, and including the events of 7th October and all actions since that date;

— that Ireland intervened before the ICJ in the case taken by Ukraine against Russia, in addition to participating in the two advisory opinion cases related to Israeli actions in Palestine, in 2004 and 2023; and

— that third-party State interventions in such cases only take place after the Court has made its order on preliminary measures and the associated filing of a memorial by the applicant and should be based on necessary legal and policy analysis;

welcomes:

— the Government's additional voluntary contribution of €3 million to the ICC, to adequately resource all situations before the Court, including Palestine; and

— the participation by Ireland at the level of the Attorney General in oral proceedings in the ICJ advisory opinion case in February in The Hague;

agrees that the overwhelming priority of the Government must be to advocate for an immediate stop to the death and destruction in Gaza and take relevant actions to this end; and

agrees to:

— insist on full, safe, and unhindered humanitarian access to Gaza and support the UN in their efforts to increase the flow of humanitarian goods into Gaza;

— support any decision of the ICJ on preliminary measures, which are final and binding on the parties concerned, and urge all parties to the Genocide Convention to also do so;

— strongly consider an intervention in the South Africa v Israel case at the ICJ, as a matter of urgency after the Court has made its order on preliminary measures and the filing by South Africa of its memorial in the case, which is the only appropriate process to do so and following the necessary legal and policy analysis;

— continue to underline the independence and impartiality of the ICC and to support its work; insist that all States, whether they are parties to the Rome Statute or not, cooperate with the ICC investigation into the situation in Palestine and Israel; and

— drive efforts at European Union level to institute a sanctions regime against violent settlers in the West Bank who are attacking and displacing Palestinian communities, differentiating between Israel itself and the illegal settlements that are illegal under international law.

The motion gives a comprehensive presentation of the Government's position on the shocking and horrifying war in Gaza, which is now more than 100 days old. As Members of this House will know, I have long and repeatedly called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. In December, an overwhelming majority of the international community, including a majority of European Union states, conveyed this same urgent message, which represented a significant shift of opinion from the beginning of the war. The United Nations Security Council has demanded that the parties to the conflict allow the immediate, safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip, yet that is not happening at the volumes and urgency necessary.

The situation on the ground continues to deteriorate. More than 25,000 deaths have now been reported in the Gaza Strip. More than 100 Israeli hostages continue to be held by Hamas. The humanitarian situation is catastrophic. The degree of humanitarian assistance entering the strip remains completely inadequate. The entire population in Gaza is considered to be acutely food insecure, while one quarter of its population face catastrophic hunger and starvation.

Furthermore, at a time when the focus should be on de-escalation, we are witnessing heightened tensions in the region as a whole. The situation on the Blue Line between Israel and Lebanon, where Irish troops are serving in the UNIFIL mission, remains extremely tense. Attacks on shipping in the Red Sea by the Houthis in Yemen are not only putting the lives of the crews in danger but are having an increasingly serious impact on global trade, lives and livelihoods, because when an economy and trade are disrupted, the poorest and furthest behind suffer the most, especially in Africa and the Middle East.

A widening or escalation of this conflict would have devastating consequences for the region and the world. We repeatedly hear from leaders in the region that escalation is in nobody’s interests. We must not allow it to happen, and there needs to be a collective international focus to prevent an escalation of this war. I am particularly concerned about the situation in Lebanon, not least in the context of different voices that are emanating from Israel in that respect.

Yesterday, I attended a meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels. This provided an opportunity to engage directly with our counterparts in the region, including the Israeli and Palestinian foreign ministers and the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt, as well as the secretary general of the League of Arab States. Throughout all my interactions, I reiterated the need for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. In particular, this was an opportunity to address this message directly to the new Israeli foreign minister. I recalled Ireland’s unequivocal condemnation of Hamas attacks. I made it clear, however, that while Israel has a right to address the threat from Hamas and defend itself, it must exercise this right in line with international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law. This means the response must comply with the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. The large-scale civilian casualties and the enormous destruction mean we cannot avoid the conclusion that these principles are being breached in Gaza and that some of Israel’s actions amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

It goes without saying the actions of Hamas in brutally attacking civilians on 7 October, taking hundreds of hostages, continuing to fire rockets indiscriminately at Israel and using civilian infrastructure for military purposes are also clear breaches of international humanitarian law.

In my discussion with minister Katz in Brussels yesterday, I underlined Ireland’s full support for the United Nations agencies, in particular those staff working on the ground in Gaza, who are carrying out their role at immense personal risk. I was clear that the sustained campaign of disinformation and delegitimisation that is being carried out by Israel, directed towards the United Nations and international organisations, particularly UNRWA, needs to stop. Israel should foster a constructive relationship with these organisations, which are doing heroic work in Gaza under impossible conditions.

We also received a very clear message at the Foreign Affairs Council meeting yesterday from the Palestinian foreign minister, Riyad al-Maliki, on the situation in the West Bank. As the House is aware, settler violence against, and displacement of, Palestinian communities were already serious concerns before the terrorist attacks of 7 October, and this was a focus of my visit to the region last September. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has reported that from January to October 2023, there had already been the highest levels of violence from Israeli security forces and Israeli settlers against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, since United Nations records began in 2005. The situation has further deteriorated since 7 October. In the period to 21 January, 358 Palestinians had been killed, including 91 children, in the West Bank, and at least 198 Palestinian households had been displaced.

This is absolutely unacceptable. Yesterday at the Foreign Affairs Council we were told in no uncertain terms that the West Bank is at boiling point and is at huge risk of implosion also.

We made clear yesterday Ireland’s demand that we move at EU level to impose sanctions on extreme Israeli settlers. Discussions are already ongoing at working level on proposals based on strong evidence that enjoy very broad support. There are only one or two countries that have reservations at this stage. The idea is to get a European Union sanctions regime against violent settlers in the West Bank, which would be a first and follows the US position on that.

Perspectives for long-term peace were also a focus of discussion yesterday, especially with our partners from the region. In view of the recent comments by Prime Minister Netanyahu, a strong message from the international community on the centrality of a Palestinian state to the long-term security of Israelis and Palestinians is more important than ever. This is a view that is held by the overwhelming majority of the international community. It was underlined by President Biden following his recent contact with Prime Minister Netanyahu. This can only be done through a sustained and serious commitment to a two-state solution. It may seem impossible at this juncture, but it is the only way forward. I spoke with Arab partners yesterday about their thinking about a comprehensive political plan for peace. I expect that an Arab peace plan could be finalised in the coming weeks. I emphasised Ireland’s full support for their work, centred on a viable Palestinian state and the right to peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis alike.

It is critical that the vast majority of EU states with like-minded views support a two-state solution and that our actions would complement the work of the Arab peace plan. That is why we have undertaken to keep in close contact with Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia in particular. Their plan will be comprehensive and will take on board the security dimensions in the region, as well as the political and humanitarian aspects and will principally involve a Palestinian state. The broader picture is to ensure security for Palestinians and Israelis alike. We have to continue to work towards that peace track. Our actions and potential actions we might take have to be in that context and framework. We have to get as broad an international consensus as possible behind the creation of a Palestinian state. I believe the opportunity is there to harness a very significant critical mass of countries behind this particular initiative, not just within the European Union but globally.

The case taken by South Africa under the genocide convention has been a particular focus of Deputies in this House over recent days. Both Israel and Hamas must be held accountable for any and all violations of international humanitarian law, including potential war crimes and crimes against humanity. We have fully supported the investigation of this by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, which is vital to ensure accountability. That investigation at the ICC is under way. We have committed additional voluntary funding to the ICC of €3 million to assist in its work, including in relation to Palestine. The important point here is that the prosecutor is looking for resources. The case is active and he is prosecuting the case in respect of all actions from 7 October until now, and indeed going back to 2014 in relation to the occupied territories.

It is also worth pointing out that Ireland has participated in two advisory opinion cases related to the Israeli occupation of Palestine, one in 2004 and one that is currently ongoing. Ireland will participate in oral hearings on that case in The Hague next month. We were one of the few countries to submit a very strong, robust and substantial legal opinion and submission to that case. The Attorney General will give an oral presentation to the court in February on that case. I heard some commentary last week from some parties opposite that Ireland is cowardly and does not want to take this on. We are already before a court holding Israel to account. We are one of the few countries that are actually doing that. However, the issue is that we must be credible when we engage internationally and in the courts on these matters. I mean "credible" insofar as we are not doing it for political reasons. We are doing it for substantive reasons. We do it to win the case and to succeed before the courts in terms of the presentation of our case.

Again regarding the proceedings of the South African case, no country has joined that case, because they cannot do so right now. Not even Palestine has joined that case. Those are the facts. Despite the misinformation from last week, no country has joined the case. What has happened is that South Africa has sought preliminary findings from the International Court of Justice in respect of the genocide convention. The preliminary requests are ones we fully support and have supported: for example, the ending of the war, an immediate ceasefire and unimpeded, urgent access to humanitarian aid. We will await the outcome of those preliminary findings. That is the sensible thing to do because we take these proceedings very seriously. It is important that we do that. The preliminary hearings took place on 11 and 12 January. We believe the court will make its decision by the end of January or early February because the judge said they would accelerate their decision-making and do that perhaps more quickly than in earlier cases.

In our motion, we are saying we will strongly consider an intervention in the South Africa v. Israel case at the International Criminal Court. We will analyse the findings. We will also then have to get a substantive case because South Africa has not submitted a substantive case. It will then have to submit a memorial, which will be the substantive presentation to the court on the substantive issue of genocide. We would need to see that, or we can just do our own. I would like to see that. I presume South Africa will share that with us when it has completed it. Then, we will make a decision not just on whether to join, but on what basis we would join and what arguments we would make in the context of the convention itself. This is important. One has to have a strong legal basis to do this.

As I said before, interventions by states are not about joining on side or the other. They aim to assert a legal interpretation of the issue at hand. We would want to legally be able to say that the convention has been breached and give a substantive presentation on why we believe it has been breached. It is a legal process in front of a court that has a unique role in interpreting and upholding international law. The independence and objectivity of the court must be respected and I think that would be accepted across the House. The court is not a political forum. It is not a debating chamber. Any decision we take on intervention will be based on detailed and rigorous legal analysis.

It was thrown around that we just joined the Ukraine v. Russia case, but it took some time to join the Ukraine v. Russia case. Russia actually accused Ukraine of genocide initially. Russia used that claim of genocide against Ukraine as a basis for its invasion. Ukraine refuted that claim of genocide by Russia. We declared our intervention in that case six months after the provisional order and after ongoing consultations with Ukraine. That is the truth of that situation. I am not saying it will take that long in this case, but that is what happened factually with the Ukraine case.

Internationally and globally, nobody questions Ireland's bona fides in respect of this issue or the leadership we have shown from the very beginning of this to assert the Palestinian right to its own state and to call for an immediate ceasefire and, above all, unimpeded access to goods. Yesterday, while people were talking about peace plans, etc., just before the Arab leaders left they asked us to get more trucks. They said we need more trucks to get in tomorrow and we need more aid to get in. That is the immediate priority they are calling for.

I am very conscious of the significant public interest and concern on Gaza. I know that the very visible expressions of solidarity that have taken place across the country over recent weeks and months are heard and valued by the Palestinian people. However, I regret that the rhetoric of a small number of individuals has been unacceptable. Calling for the "total dismantlement" of Israel, as some in this House have done, is not acceptable. I read the statement by People Before Profit-Solidarity last week, which essentially or by implication condoned the Hamas attack of 7 October-----

You have never condemned the Hamas attack on 7 October, which involved brutal murder, rape and violent violations of human rights.

Denying the right of the Jewish people to self-determination is not acceptable either. Blaming individual Israeli or Jewish people for the actions of the Israeli Government is not acceptable. Such views and the amplification of such views is a distortion of everything Ireland stands for. They damage our reputation as a country that is committed to peace, reconciliation, tolerance and mutual understanding. They also damage our standing as a country which believes passionately that people with different views, histories, traditions and identities can live side by side, find constructive ways to coexist and use political rather than violent means to advance their goals, and that competing narratives and strongly held beliefs and identities do not have to result in a zero-sum game which ends in the destruction of the other. Our belief is strongly based on the two-state solution. I do not see any other solution. Deputy Boyd Barrett may differ in his view on this matter, and I respect his right to do so, but I passionately believe that it is the only potential solution.

We will continue to be a leading voice within the European Union, the United Nations and globally. We are consistent in our message in Europe, the United States and elsewhere, and with everybody we deal with, as to how we think these matters should proceed.

As I said, it remains manifestly clear that addressing the urgent humanitarian situation on the ground, securing the unconditional release of hostages and ending the immediate conflict must be our overriding priority. We are not there yet, but the dial is moving within the European Union and at the United Nations. We are seeing growing international pressure regarding the need for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. European Union sanctions against Israeli settlers are under active discussion now, as are intensified efforts between the European Union and regional partners towards finding a sustainable peace.

We absolutely need to move faster, more urgently - I mean collectively and internationally - and with greater ambition. Ireland will continue to be at the forefront of advocating for that. The people of Gaza cannot wait.

The progress that we all want to see will not be achieved by shouting louder and longer or by means of rhetorical flourishes. It will be achieved through intensified work on concrete diplomatic and political initiatives. This is my focus. It will remain the focus of this Government. I commend the motion to the House.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

I move amendment No. 4:

(a) To insert the following after "condemns the ongoing bombardment of Gaza":

“by Israel and reiterates the call for an immediate and permanent ceasefire”;

(b) To insert the following after "and the hearings last week involving the parties to this case”:

“; and commends South Africa for its action in this regard: determining that it is valid to ask the ICJ to investigate whether there is a risk of genocide; and notes that other states have indicated their intention to participate in the case;”;

(c) To delete "that third-party State interventions in such cases only take place after the Court has made its order on preliminary measures and the associated filing of a memorial by the applicant and should be based on necessary legal and policy analysis;”;

(d) To insert the following after "based on necessary legal and policy analysis;”:

"that Article I of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (‘Genocide Convention’) obliges parties to that Convention, including Ireland, to prevent genocide, which is defined in Article II as “any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;

(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;

(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”

— that the International Court of Justice has held that “a State’s obligation to prevent [genocide], and the corresponding duty to act, arise at the instant that the State learns of, or should normally have learned of, the existence of a serious risk that genocide will be committed”.

— notes that Ireland’s written submissions in the Ukraine v Russia case state: “In Ireland’s view, the notion of ‘undertake to prevent’ implies that each State party must assess whether a genocide or a serious risk of genocide exists prior to taking action pursuant to Article I [of the Genocide Convention].”

(e) To delete "strongly consider an intervention in the South Africa v Israel case" to substitute with "make an intervention in the South Africa v Israel case";

(f) To insert the following after "settlements that are illegal under international law":

“urgently conduct an assessment for the purpose of Article I of the Genocide Convention of whether there is a serious risk that genocide is being committed in the context of the war in Gaza, taking into account the views of relevant experts, and to present the conclusion of this assessment to Dáil Éireann at the earliest possible opportunity;”; and

(g) To insert the following after "settlements that are illegal under international law":

“further calls on the Government to utilise all diplomatic, economic and legislative mechanisms available to apply sanctions against Israel until such time as offensive military actions against the Palestinian people end and Israel has given a clear commitment to adherence to international law.”.

For the purposes of clarity, the Tánaiste referred to blaming Jewish people for the actions of the Israeli Government as not being acceptable. He lamented the amplification of that view. The Tánaiste it is one of the very few people I have heard amplifying that view. In fact, I have not heard it amplified at all in the Dáil in the course of the horrors of the past 100 days. Just to be clear, many Jewish people internationally stand firmly on the side of human rights and freedom against the savagery in Gaza and have been out on the streets in unprecedented numbers stating that very clearly.

Deputy Matt Carthy

Hear, hear.

Deputy Pearse Doherty

Hear, hear.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

For more than 100 days, the people of Gaza have endured a humanitarian horror of unimaginable scale, a genocide broadcast to the world in real time and inflicted upon an impoverished refugee population by the apartheid Israeli regime that is hell-bent on erasing the Palestinian nation from the face of the earth. This is not conjecture. The Israeli Government has not attempted to hide its objective. It has repeatedly, brazenly and to devastating effect told the world of and demonstrated its aim to slaughter the Palestinian people, crush any chance of a free Palestinian state and dismantle any hope of a two-state solution as mandated by UN resolution.

As recently as the weekend, Mr. Netanyahu stated his vision very plainly. He stated, "I will not compromise on full Israeli security control over the entire area in the west of Jordan – and this is contrary to a Palestinian state". It is right that his comments have been resoundingly condemned, for these are not the words of a person even contemplating the notion of peace. They are the words of a man following a dehumanising, supremacist and, frankly, deranged vision. Before the eyes of the world, Netanyahu is determined to continue a genocidal campaign in Gaza. It is a relentless barbaric assault that has seen more than 25,000 Palestinians slaughtered, including, as the Tánaiste said, thousands of women and children. The Israeli military is killing 250 Palestinians every day. Entire families and communities have been wiped out. Some 1.9 million people have been displaced. Gaza's civilian infrastructure has been obliterated, with schools and hospitals decimated by a ferocious military bombardment. The people of Gaza face starvation and the catastrophic spread of disease. These actions are not defensive; these actions are war crimes.

The intensity of Israel's bombardment continues mercilessly with the ongoing assault on the city of Khan Younis, where it again has attacked and laid to hospitals at which injured, sick and dying people are being treated. The people of Gaza are threatened with annihilation. That is the situation. It is to the very great shame of the international community that this atrocity is happening in full sight. Israel has been given free rein to commit war crimes against the Palestinian people with impunity. As the demand from ordinary people for a full and immediate ceasefire reverberates all across the globe, the Israeli regime thumbs its nose and continues its mass slaughter in Gaza. Why is that? It is because the weak response of world leaders has told Mr. Netanyahu and the Israeli Government and its military machine that they are untouchable and can shred international law without fear or consequence.

The Tánaiste billed what is before the House as a motion demanding a ceasefire. The word "ceasefire" does not appear in the motion. Where is it? The motion refers to "an immediate stop to the death and destruction in Gaza". Why the semantics? Why can the Tánaiste not just say the word "ceasefire"?

Deputy Micheál Martin

I have said it 100 times.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

An immediate and full ceasefire is what is needed. That is the call the Government should make, and that call should be contained in the motion.

Deputy Micheál Martin

We have made it. Do not be ridiculous now.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

Israel must stop its massacre in Gaza. There can be absolutely no equivocation on this matter. What is described in the motion is mass slaughter, the deliberate destruction of civilian infrastructure, the displacement of millions of people, starvation and the destruction of hospitals and schools. It describes the very markers of genocidal actions – a blatant attempt to wipe out Palestinians, seize Gaza and enforce a second Nakba.

The question relating to the need for sanctions against the State of Israel has been answered without a shadow of a doubt. Israel must be sanctioned. Yet, in this motion, the Government proposes to impose sanctions against illegal settlers alone. It seeks to differentiate Israel from illegal settlements. Have we slipped into some alternate universe? These illegal, violent settlers who attack and displace Palestinians are armed, supported and enabled by Israel. It is state policy. They are part of Israel’s colonial strategy to annex Palestinian lands. The accountable party is the State of Israel, which continues to act with impunity. Despite all of the Tánaiste's rhetoric to the contrary, the motion demonstrates no seriousness about sanctioning illegal actions and breaches of international law.

Netanyahu is telling the world explicitly what his aims are. The Government needs to listen to him and to what he is saying, and then there needs to be an appropriate, proportionate and definitive response.

We are all conversant with the process of the International Court of Justice.

Deputy Micheál Martin

No, you are not.

Deputy Mary Lou McDonald

We know the steps that must be followed to initiate a case in the Hague to establish jurisdiction and the grounds for dispute. The Tánaiste has seen the endless footage of Israel's atrocities in Gaza. He has heard reams of heart-wrenching testimony from doctors and international aid workers on the ground. In the midst of undeniable genocidal actions, these steps should be urgently engaged by the Government. If the case for making a referral to the ICJ against Russia was strong, then the case for making one in respect of Israeli aggression is absolutely beyond dispute.

South Africa has shown what it means to lead. It has demonstrated what it means to stand for humanity against genocide and it is disgraceful the Government would still equivocate and still hedge its bets. The Tánaiste fails in his motion to make absolutely clear that Ireland will support South Africa's case in the Hague and I think that a very great shame. Let us be clear there is nothing stopping the Tánaiste bringing that type of clarity to the Dáil today and if he did or if he does, he will have the full support of this House. The truth is the Tánaiste says he will consider joining South Africa's case after the preliminary stages. He says that as if the people of Gaza have all the time in the world, as if the abyss of genocide is not a reality every day for the men, women and children of Gaza as we speak. Gaza has become a graveyard for children, for families, for people clinging to life and clinging to their very existence. If this is not enough for the Government to stand up and take a case against Israel and join South Africa in the International Court of Justice, then what will it take? When will it be? The people of Gaza are running out of time and Ireland needs to act and be clear now.

Deputy Matt Carthy

The Tánaiste has had enough time, he has had 20 minutes, and I am going to outline what is a very unfair characterisation by him of genuine attempts of Members of this House to ensure Ireland takes a stand and that Ireland shows leadership-----

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú)

Tánaiste-----

Deputy Micheál Martin

Ask the prosecutor.

Deputy Matt Carthy

When we talked about adopting-----

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú)

Can people speak in their own time?

Deputy Matt Carthy

When we talked about adopting measures this House has already approved of, namely, the occupied territories Bill, there is an excuse not to do it. The Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill is sitting on the floor of this House. The Government delayed it and it could release that in the morning, straight away. Let us take a substantive measure. Recognising the state of Palestine is something this House and the Upper House have called for and the Tánaiste's programme for Government includes it. There are excuses, such as that others are not ready to join so we will wait. In respect of all the measures that have been brought forward, whether diplomatic, economic, financial, trade or anything that would send a message to Israel that it will pay a price for what it is doing there is an excuse not to do it.

There is another way of doing things. The Government's argument is that if we take any of these measures there is a risk Ireland becoming "isolated". That is the term that the Tánaiste has used.

Deputy Micheál Martin

The case is before the ICJ.

Deputy Matt Carthy

I challenge anybody to suggest to me that South Africa is isolated in the world right now-----

Deputy Pearse Doherty

Hear, hear.

Can we have silence please?

Deputy Micheál Martin

Not a word, because it would upset your friends and it would upset your donors.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú)

I am sorry, Tánaiste, but can people speak in their own time?

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú)

I am sorry. I thank Members. Deputy Bacik has six and a half minutes.

Deputy Ivana Bacik

Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh. It is regrettable we are seeing the debate descend into a shouting match-----

Deputy Brendan Howlin

Hear, hear.

Deputy Emer Higgins

Hear, hear.

Deputy Ivana Bacik

-----given the seriousness of the issues we are debating and discussing.

We have all been watching, over the past 100 days, with increasing distress and horror the carnage in Gaza and the utter devastation of a civilian population as a result of the brutal Israeli bombardment. Since the attack by Hamas on 7 October, which was itself brutal and resulted in appalling death and the taking of hostages, we have seen a death toll in Gaza that has surpassed 25,000 people. That is approximately 1% of the entire population. Tens of thousands of homes have been bombarded into rubble. An entire population has been kettled into overcrowded and cramped spaces, deprived of humanitarian aid and with famine and disease now ravaging communities of displaced Gazans. We have heard the heartbreaking testimony from journalists and doctors.

We have seen so many children orphaned, killed, or hideously injured and the situation is getting worse and worse. It is apocalyptic. It is hard to see it or describe it as anything but genocidal. We are seeing, of course, as the Tánaiste noted in his speech, that the West Bank is increasingly tense and the situation is worsening there too. The Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Netanyahu, has made his intentions clear. He has ruled out any possibility of a peaceful, two-state solution and has stamped out any hope that might remain for relief and an end to the carnage. We are left with having to ensure the international community will intervene to ensure we do see that peaceful, two-state solution of which the Tánaiste has spoken and for which the international community should now be pressing. The Tánaiste spoke, hopefully, of an Arab peace but we need to push for that. We need to see a united front across the international community in condemnation of Netanyahu's government and of the Israeli carnage that is being inflicted on the people of Gaza.

That wish for a common purpose, for solidarity from the international community, is replicated in the communications we have all received from people across the country who want to see that unity of purpose advocated by the Irish Government. They want to see our Government calling for a stronger response from the EU, America, Britain and other western countries to bring about a permanent ceasefire and an end to the brutal bombardment and suffering of the people of Gaza. That is why the South African application to the International Court of Justice matters so much. International law exists to preserve the life and dignity of all humans. It recognises the inherent value of every life. Our international human rights system was born out of the horrors of the Second World War and out of a collective will to reject evil and brutality and to ensure we would have a rules-based international order that could stop the sort of carnage we are seeing now. While that carnage continues, international law is being set at naught and South Africa has recognised that in bringing this case under the Genocide Convention. The capacity of the international community to speak with one voice for an end to genocide and for peace may seem a low bar but it is one we must overcome.

Ireland has shown leadership before and we have sought to work constructively with the Government to see that sort of constructive leadership. We saw it in the early stages of progress on the Control of Economic Activities (Occupied Territories) Bill and in 2021 when this House voted unanimously to condemn the de facto annexation of Palestine by Israel, the first parliament in the EU to do so. We nearly achieved that sort of commonality of purpose in October when most of us supported a cross-party motion calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. It is for that reason that we in the Labour Party are disappointed to see the style of politics that has prevailed this week. Last week I circulated to all party leaders in this House, and to Seanad leaders, a motion which we hoped could form the basis of negotiations to develop a cross-party, united approach in support of the current proceedings in the International Court of Justice. That motion was drafted by the Sadaka organisation with support from Christian Aid. I thank those party leaders who did engage and show support for that motion, many of whom wanted to see it brought forward in Government or Opposition time because it really matters for this House to speak with one, united voice. It is unfortunate we could not achieve a consensus on the wording of that motion. It is also unfortunate to see, in some quarters of this House, attempts to take ownership by individual groups and to see the Government motion circulated so late in the day. I thank the Tánaiste for his personal engagement with me and others but it was very late in the day when we finally saw the text of the motion, with a deadline for amendments less than an hour later. That is no way to do business. It is anathema to what we should be doing, which is working together to try to build a consensus in support of the people of Gaza and to try to achieve an end to their suffering.

The motion before us today does not make an unequivocal commitment to intervening and that is regrettable. That is why the Labour Party has tabled an amendment, which I think I can move now. However, I do welcome the clear statement of intent to intervene which is indicated in the text of the Government motion. As others have acknowledged, that does represent a movement by Government, and one which is very welcome. That is the spirit in which it has been drafted and Sadaka and other groups recognise that, but what is of concern is that, within the Government motion, not only is there the omission of any reference to a ceasefire explicitly, there is also an omission of any intention to conduct an assessment of whether there is a serious risk of genocide or to use the measures available to Government to deter the commission of genocide, as per the duty to prevent genocide set out in the Genocide Convention, an obligation which the Irish Government has stated exists in its intervention in the Ukraine v. Russia case. In the spirit of the submissions the Government has made in other cases, I would ask the Tánaiste to reflect on the amendments submitted today by the Labour Party and by others in the Opposition. What we want to see is a clearer indication that the Government will support the South African case at the appropriate time. I hope we can continue to work, whatever the outcome of the debate today or any further debate this week, on a cross-party basis to achieve that commonality of purpose, to speak with one voice from this House and from the Seanad to ensure support for the civilian population of Gaza and an end to their suffering, and to support the South African case before the International Court of Justice, a case which has the potential to help bring about an end to suffering and to the commission of genocidal acts in Gaza. It is disappointing to see that we are not going to be able to speak with one voice on this motion but I do hope we will be able, over the coming days and weeks and in light of the fact we are going to see a judgment shortly from the court, to continue to work progressively to achieve that common purpose and shared vision for a ceasefire in Gaza.

An Cathaoirleach Gníomhach (Deputy Ruairí Ó Murchú)

We are back to a Government slot but just before I call the Minister, I wish to clarify that it is my understanding that once the first amendment to a motion is moved, the rest will be dealt with afterwards.

Minister for Transport (Deputy Eamon Ryan)

First things first, since the very start of this crisis on 7 October and the response from the Israeli Government and military, the Irish Government has been absolutely clear and adamant and was first up in the European context in calling for a ceasefire and an end to hostilities. The wording of the motion could not be clearer that our absolute and overwhelming priority must be to advocate for an immediate stop to the death and destruction in Gaza and to take relevant actions to that end. We have been consistent on that from the very start. We have not just been consistent in our response to what has happened in Gaza over the past 100 days. I would argue that the Irish Government and Irish State has been consistent for decades in terms of standing up for the rights of the Palestinian people, for a whole variety of historical reasons.

Let us not depict this as something to divide the Opposition and the Government. I do not see it as such because what we are seeing is absolutely horrific. As I said last week, the World Food Programme has provided evidence that hundreds of thousands of people are at risk of immediate starvation. This is unprecedented and requires urgency. The scale of this is incredible, not to mention the bombing of hospitals, universities, families, journalists - the list goes on. We absolutely accept and understand that, which is why we are giving Government time here today. This is an issue for Government, the Opposition and every party in this House, for the Irish people and for countries and people right around the world.

I thank my party Whip, Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh, for his specific proposal that we would table the motion in Government time. That was appropriate.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

That was our idea; it was the Opposition's proposal.

Deputy Eamon Ryan

I regret that we could not get the wording to Deputy Bacik sooner but we had to get it through Government. In the absence of agreement by Government, it was very hard to share it. It is very important we do get agreement. Part of the reason the people want the Government to take a strong line on this is that historically, as a State, we have stood up for the UN Declaration of Human Rights, but that is not exclusive. It also applies to Hamas and to what happened on 7 October. We cannot ignore the death, loss of life and the nature of what happened on that day. We also cannot ignore the disproportionate response from Israel and the fact there is a clear case that has to be heard by the International Court of Justice. We will respond to that in the way we do to all such human rights issues, which is through proper legal international processes because following that approach means our voice is listened to and we are heard. The Department of Foreign Affairs has real expertise in this area, in terms of how we speak at international, UN and other forums, and the Government listens to and heeds the Department's advice because it is really good at this. It knows how to get the legal structures right.

Legal process is important here. This is not an insignificant issue or an unimportant legal issue. We have shown in the past an absolute willingness to take a legal position.

In regard to Russia's accusation of genocide in Ukraine, we supported Ukraine in its response to that some five months after the initial accusation because that was the right way to legally counterargue it. It is similar with regard to the UN process where cases have been taken to the International Court of Justice. We are one of the few European countries that has stood up and is willing to back the Palestinian case in written format. Next month, on 22 February, our Attorney General will stand up for half an hour to represent the injustice that has been occurring in Palestine for decades, as well as the past 100 days.

The Government responded a number of weeks ago regarding what it could do. The best and most important thing we were asked to do, which we delivered straightaway, was to resource the courts. The depiction of this is that the Government is not willing to stand up in the courts when it is the exact opposite. We await the provisional outcomes, but my understanding is the South African case in its initial application is looking for, in every instance, what we have said we want to deliver and what we agree. Let us use our voice in the international forums where it can be strongest. Let us pull the European Union, which we have been doing, towards a position that is closer to the position Ireland holds, which is not where Europe started. Let us use that not just in relation to South Africa's case but as regards the issue of the recognition of sanctions due to what is happening in the West Bank, not just in Gaza, against some of the ongoing atrocities that are taking place. That is the approach the Government is taking which is set out in the motion.

To give our public reassurance, we can absolutely see what is happening and we want to try to impact on it. We do that best in the way we have always done, through the United Nations, the right process, the legal mechanisms, and being strong and clear with our voice, which we are and will be. This injustice has to end today. We will stand with the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights for all citizens in the world. As small a nation as we are, when we get that voice right, and apply it to the legal structures and institutions that are in place, it is where we can be most effective to protect those poor people in Gaza suffering the bombardment and starvation they are today.

Minister of State at the Department of Social Protection (Deputy Joe O'Brien)

I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the motion. I was glad to cede the time given for the planned charities Bill, which will instead be taken on Thursday.

The Irish public has watched with increasing horror the events of the past 100 days unfold. International human rights law is very important, but we do not need to be versed in it to see that what has been visited on the Palestinian people since October has been motivated by the desire to exact revenge and punishment with extreme disregard for civilian life. The inability of the international community and our international mechanisms to stop the wanton slaughter has been deeply disappointing. People are frustrated that the killing is continuing seemingly without consequence or restraint.

I welcome and thank the South African Government for taking the step of asking the International Court of Justice whether Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. I take the opportunity to draw attention to some of the key elements of the definition of genocide in the UN convention:

... genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, [that is an important phrase] a national, ethnical, racial or religious group ... [by] Killing members of the group; Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; [or] Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; ...

That last element is becoming increasingly urgent and increasingly important.

Let us also look at what some Israeli leaders have said in the past few months. On 13 October, President Herzog helped set the tone for the invasion and the whole approach when he said, "It is an entire nation out there that is responsible". Let us listen to that again: the President of Israel said that an entire nation is responsible. He blamed every Palestinian man, woman and child for what happened on 7 October. The Israeli Government and the IDF have certainly acted on this message. Daniel Hagari, the Israeli army spokesperson, said that the army was dropping hundreds of tonnes of bombs on Gaza and that the focus was on destruction not accuracy. These are key people who are leading the war. We now have Netanyahu's recent dismissal of the two-state solution. It is important to remember all that because it is all happening in the context of the ongoing occupation in the West Bank and the longer term project of the Israeli Government to try to stop the viability of the Palestinian state through the ongoing growth of illegal settlements. The Israeli Government recently announced further funding to further expand the illegal settlement project.

More than 24,000 people are dead and 1.9 million displaced with UN agencies warning of imminent famine affecting 400,000 people, the near collapse of the health system in large parts of Gaza with 65% of hospitals now shut, and the WHO warning of widespread deaths from diseases that are preventable. In the midst of all that, the Israeli foreign minister yesterday showed such disdain for international law and European leaders by touting the idea of a new island as a home for Gazans.

Ireland continues to offer hope to Palestinians. The Government and the House have been a strong signal of hope for Palestinians. The House should continue to stand together in defence of international law. A unified message from Ireland will help the Palestinian cause. However, we should not be naive in thinking that this Israeli Government will heed the International Court of Justice. We must continue to redouble our efforts beyond this week and the ICJ preliminary measures to get a ceasefire urgently and to get accountability. There is much conflict in the world today and there is a war in Europe but what is happening in Gaza will go down in history as one of the worst atrocities any state has committed against a people in our lifetime. Some 24,000 people have been killed in the past four months and 400,000 people have been deliberately driven to the edge of famine.

I am glad Ireland has shown moral leadership on the international stage in calling out what has been happening in Gaza, but we need to continue to exhaust every option available to us to build support for Palestine and to achieve an immediate ceasefire. I declare my support for the case South Africa is taking to the ICJ. I strongly feel that as soon as possible after the court announces its preliminary measures within the next week that Ireland, as a state, should join the case. We will support any decision of the ICJ on preliminary measures, which are final and binding on the parties concerned. We urge all parties to the convention on genocide to do the same.

Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn

Some 24,500 people have been killed in Gaza, 70% of whom were women and children. More than 10,000 children have been murdered. Some 8,000 civilians are buried under the rubble, more than 60,000 have been injured, and 1.9 million or 85% of the population have been displaced. Half of the buildings, housing more than 2 million human beings, have been either damaged or destroyed over a period of months. People face starvation that is unprecedented in recent human history.

How appropriate it was that South Africa took the case to the International Court of Justice and that a tremendous Irishwoman, Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh, articulated the reason South Africa took that case. She spoke for the Irish people and those across the world who are devastated by these actions and feel powerless. It was incredibly powerful. If you talk to the activists who fought against the apartheid South African regime over the years, they will tell you the apartheid the Palestinian people have endured for all these years is much worse than what they endured. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and B'Tselem, one after the other and with expert analysis, have clearly demonstrated that Israel is an apartheid state.

What do we have from the Irish Government? It is a muted response. I spoke in the Dáil when the Human Rights Watch report came out, when the Amnesty International report came out, and when the B'Tselem report came out. I repeatedly asked the Government if they agree that Israel is an apartheid state. I have yet to hear a spokesperson for the Irish Government say "Yes we agree and we accept the findings of those human rights organisations". They cannot even do that.

Senator Frances Black is in the Chamber and is observing proceedings here. The Government could not support her Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018. Even though it was passed by both Houses, this Government could not implement it. We are talking here about saying we will not do trade with people who commit international war crimes, engage in ethnic cleansing and conduct illegal settlements. This Government could not even do that. It could not implement legislation that was passed by both Houses. The Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill 2023 proposed to stop the investment by any arm of the Irish State into those illegal settlements and was brought forward by my colleague Deputy John Brady. The Government could not even do that. When the Dáil and the Seanad voted to recognise the state of Palestine the Government could not implement that. At every step of the way the Government has failed the Palestinian people. It gives comfort to the people whom we have heard on our TV screens and who were just quoted by a Minister. Because they have been allowed to get away with apartheid, with oppression, with ethnic cleansing, and with everything that they have done to the Palestinian people, of course they believe they will get away with this too because we have been completely impotent. When I say "we", I mean our Government because our people certainly do not share that. For years whenever the international community has talked about the two-state solution there has been confirmation from Netanyahu of his absolute rejection of that. There is no basis to hide behind some sort of international consensus. There is no basis anymore. This is a failed policy from our Government. Let us be absolutely clear about it.

On 18 July 1984 a Dunnes Stores shop worker, Mary Manning, refused to handle South African goods. That created a huge momentum and the Irish people rose up. A few years later the Irish Government got behind their people, brought in sanctions and confronted the apartheid regime. The Irish Government back then responded to the anger of our people and led the way. Why is it that our Governments again and again fail us with weakness? Even now in the face of unparalleled and unrivalled outrage they still fail to stand with our people. Tonight and tomorrow night the Government will refuse to accept amendments that are about basic decency and about standing on the side of righteousness, on the side of what is right, and on the side of the case taken by South Africa. The Government knows that it should associate itself with that case. It knows it should have done that: many countries did and those countries are on the right side of history. Our Government - not our Irish people - again and again are on the wrong side of this. The Government is too weak and is letting down our people again and again.

Deputy Gary Gannon

I do not welcome that a motion for a debate on an issue of this importance was given to the Opposition at 1.50 p.m. today. We had less than one hour to draw up amendments. This is not even close to being acceptable. To be quite frank, in its current format this motion offers absolutely nothing of substance to the debate. The motion the Government has presented, in its current form, skirts around the issue and makes no explicit commitment to intervene on the side of South Africa in its charge that a genocide is being initiated on the population of Gaza by the State of Israel.

Even more so, this motion loses any credibility when it asserts that the Government will "strongly consider an intervention in the South Africa v Israel case at the ICJ, as a matter of urgency after the Court has made its order on preliminary measures". What exactly does the Government mean when it says it will "strongly consider an intervention"? Can the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister, Deputy Eamon Ryan, or any other Minister or Minister of State who will speak presently confirm that we ratified the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in 1978? Is that not the Irish Government's position now, as ratified in 1978? Part 1 of that convention includes the provision that state parties to the genocide convention have an explicit obligation to take measures to prevent genocide. Is the Government seriously telling us now, even though it does not lend its weight to the South African case, that if a preliminary determination is made that a potential genocide is ongoing, it will seek only to "strongly consider" intervening? That is an act of extreme cowardice. It is our role as a State to prevent genocide. It is not our role to define it nor prosecute it after the fact. That is the role of the court and we cannot muddle those two entities. We as a signatory have an obligation to assess the risk where there exists an obvious threat of genocide occurring. We are obliged to express those fears both to the court and to the state we deem complicit in this most horrendous act.

I put it to the Minister of State, Jack Chambers, that in the Tánaiste's contribution today he said the Government will undertake a rigorous legal assessment when the court has made its order after the preliminary stages. The Tánaiste has left the Chamber, but will the Minister of State ask the Tánaiste if he does not feel the legal opinions and the words of eminent Irish human rights lawyers and professors carry enough weight for us to intervene? I refer to people such as our former President Mary Robinson; Professor Siobhán Mullally and Professor Mary Lawlor, who were part of the UN independent expert statement as far back as 16 November 2023; and Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh, who did us proud last week in advancing the case of South Africa to the International Court of Justice. Yet in several weeks' time the Government claims that we are going to do a rigorous legal assessment and sometime after that will decide if we will lend our weight. That is anathema to the ratification of the genocide convention we committed ourselves to in 1978 and to the express wishes of the Irish people.

Is it not also something we can simply see with our own eyes? Do we deny that more than 100,000 Palestinians have been killed, reported missing or wounded in Gaza since Israel began its operations three months ago? Do we neglect the current figure of 25,000 people dead, which I imagine will change by tomorrow given that 225 people are dying every single day and half of those are children? Do we neglect the fact that 85% of the population has been displaced? We must also remember that as far back as October 2023, we debated whether Israel could have bombed a hospital. Then they went and bombed every single hospital in Gaza. Now they are annihilating universities. They are targeting journalists. More than 100 journalists have been targeted for assassination and still we say that we will do a rigorous assessment of the facts. This is not in keeping with the express wishes of the Irish people.

In his contribution the Tánaiste mentioned that no country has joined South Africa's case. That is only kind of true. It is a blurring of the line and very purposefully done. Germany, the UK and the United States of America have already expressed their intention to join on the side of Israel and argue against the fact that a genocide is taking place. We know the motivation of those entities. We say that regardless of whether it happens tonight or when we bring forward our motion tomorrow, the Government must start the process, develop a legal strategy and put the factors into place. The Tánaiste also referred to the Russian case and said that it took us six months for us to intervene. The work did not start after six months, however; it started a long time before that. The Department of Foreign Affairs was presenting its case and building the argument. All we are asking of the Irish Government is to intervene at the nearest available opportunity to do so. That is what we are asking.

The Social Democrats have submitted a number of amendments we would like to advance. I also want to refer to a ceasefire. Of course we all wish, hope and pray every single day for a ceasefire. We accept that eventually a ceasefire may happen and bombs will stop falling, but what will be left of Gaza when it does happen? What buildings will be left? Where will the 85% of the displaced Gazan population go? Yesterday, a foreign minister of Israel spoke with other foreign ministers and talked about a displacement of the Gazan population into some island they are planning to build. It is horrendous. That we still sit here and debate the merits rather than actually say there will be immediacy in our actions is anathema to ourselves.

It has become a vogue at the moment for Israeli ministers and other Israeli people to write their names on bombs that will then be sent into the Gaza population. These are 2,000 lb plus bombs, which can destroy a space half the size of County Louth. This destroys any semblance of foreign policy achievement by the Irish Government. In 2022 the Irish Government brought together 82 signatories to sign the declaration on the use of large munitions in urban areas.

It was a foreign policy achievement and it has been obliterated right before the Minister's eyes. The Government brought together the signatories of the enactment. Has the Minister no pride to stand up and remind the signatories of their responsibilities? Tomorrow we will table a motion that we join the ICJ case.

Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs (Deputy Peter Burke)

From day one the Government has been very clear and unequivocal in our demands at home and abroad when engaging with partners in Europe and across the globe. We are calling for four actions: an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, urgent and effective humanitarian access, the protection of civilians, and the release of all hostages. I utterly condemn the violence committed in Israel and Gaza since 7 October and the disproportionate response we have seen coming from the Israeli Government in the intervening period.

Gaza is one of the most densely populated areas on earth. It is 41 km long and only 6 km wide. A total of 1.9 of the 2.1 million residents have been displaced, with over 25,000 people killed, 70% of whom are women and children. I condemn Israel for its collective punishment of the most vulnerable people in Gaza. The conditions there at present are inhumane and intolerable. We continue to assert maximum pressure through all available channels to put an end to this war and to get critical supplies to those who need them.

We have seen the wilful destruction of key infrastructure, schools and hospitals, and the denial of healthcare and humanitarian assistance to the most vulnerable, including the elderly, young children and pregnant women. This is utterly reprehensible. Furthermore, it is thought that more than 400,000 people in Gaza are experiencing famine and starvation. The violence has done untold damage to the future achievement of a peaceful resolution and the international goal of a two-state solution. We will further see a cause for radicalisation of younger people in the region as they see less certainty for their future and homeland.

At EU level we have sought out like-minded countries to collaborate. We co-authored a letter with Belgium, Spain and Malta calling for a ceasefire ahead of the European Council last December. We have contributed to the strong stance from the UN, which received broad support from international partners during the emergency session of the General Assembly. It called for an immediate ceasefire, that humanitarian access be ensured, and the protection of civilians as is provided for under humanitarian law.

I have also raised our position at each of the General Affairs Council meetings in Brussels since the war broke out. The Tánaiste has done the same when visiting the Middle East and when travelling elsewhere, most recently calling for this at the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday and when meeting the German Foreign Minister last week.

The Irish Government and our diplomatic network are recognised for our strong positions, our reputation as peacekeepers and brokers and our efforts towards de-escalation. I have witnessed this first hand throughout the EU and at UN level. Unfortunately, we have seen things deteriorate further in the region with attacks on shipping in the Red Sea by Houthis in Yemen. This not only puts lives and crews in danger but it is having an increasingly serious impact on global trade. We have seen time and again that when trade is disrupted it is always the poorest and most vulnerable citizens who suffer the most. Thus, we have to intensively involve and work for de-escalation efforts, including in Yemen and Lebanon, as a widening conflict in the region could have devastating consequences.

Ireland is a long-standing supporter of the International Criminal Court, committing additional voluntary funding already this year of €3 million to assist its work, including in relation to Palestine. Last week the ICJ held hearings with South Africa and Israel, which are the parties to the case. We are following proceedings very closely as a government and will make a decision on whether to intervene after the court has made its preliminary decision, which is due next week. This is the process of the court.

We have participated in two advisory opinion cases relating to Israel and the occupation of Palestine. One is ongoing. Ireland will participate in oral hearings in this case in The Hague next month, when the Attorney General is due to represent the Government.

The actions and the collective punishment in Gaza in recent months are reprehensible. The Government is doing everything it can, including at the recent European Council meetings on tangible sanctions against aggressive settlers in the West Bank. We heard the numbers articulated by the Tánaiste regarding 119 Palestinian households being displaced, 358 people dead and 91 children murdered as a result of this action. This is why the European Council needs to be strong and to put forward strong and robust sanctions to ensure Israel is held to account. We have to put faith in the process of the ICC. Ireland is a big supporter of the court through funding and through our diplomatic network.

Deputy Marc Ó Cathasaigh

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion and I commend the Tánaiste for bringing it before the House. It is a strong motion highlighting in explicit terms the scale of the violence, barbarity and inhumanity we see being played out before our eyes in real time in Gaza. The direct and indirect consequences on the lives of people who bear no blame for the atrocities commenced by Hamas on 7 October are unthinkable, from the bomb blast that blows a child's limbs apart to the amputation of damaged limbs without recourse to anaesthetic, from the unspeakable loss of parents mourning their children to the unbearable pain of mothers undergoing cesarean section without recourse to anaesthetic, and from slow deaths trapped under rubble to slow deaths through starvation or disease. These are atrocities. Whatever the provocation and however well-founded the anger, submitting entire populations to this level of barbarism cannot be justified either by Israel or by Hamas. Those perpetrating these actions will be harshly judged by history.

I acknowledge the strength of feeling of the Irish people on this subject and their feelings of solidarity for people not just in Gaza but the wider Palestinian people. We heard from the Tánaiste that we are seeing the situation in the West Bank rising to boiling point also. I stand with them and I feel the same sense of outrage. We know that "genocide" is one of the heaviest words in the English language. It is freighted with memories of peoples extinguished through the inhumanity of others. Deputy Boyd Barrett has referred to this previously, saying that the crime of genocide is the worst of the worst. I agree with him. I also agree with the Taoiseach when he says that precisely for this reason, and precisely because it is the worst of all crimes, we have to make sure we apply the term correctly.

We await the outcome of the preliminary hearings taken by South Africa at the ICJ. I welcome the commitment in the motion to consider strongly an intervention once the judgment is made. It is difficult to escape the conclusion, when one witnesses the obliteration of agricultural land, the flattening of schools, the elision of entire families, the destruction of historical records and the genocidal pronouncements of senior Israeli politicians, that the goal of at least some of the Israeli leadership is the erasure of an entire people and a nation.

I am reminded of a verse in the Book of Judges, which I believe is shared by Jews and Muslims in their holy books: "And Abimelech fought against the city all that day; and he took the city, and slew the people that was therein, and beat down the city, and sowed it with salt." We are seeing history repeat itself. Let us hope that international pressure can put an end to this terrible conflict and that we see a lasting ceasefire and the resumption of humanitarian aid, and that we may work in the longer term towards a lasting peace through the two-state solution.

Deputy Colm Burke

I very much welcome the motion that has been brought forward. We have 2.1 million people living as hostages in a small area of land with no escape, no support, no access to medical care, no housing and no food. A total of 50% of the population is under the age of 19. This is a huge challenge in a state of 2.1 million people. There are 25,000 dead, 10,000 of whom are children. We then look at the West Bank, where more than 355 people have been killed, the vast majority by Israeli soldiers.

I was there in 2009 after Israel used the opportunity in the changeover of the US President in 2008 and 2009.

In 22 days, 1,417 Palestinians were killed. There were 13 Israeli soldiers killed. It was 100 Palestinians for one Israeli. I am concerned that the same ratio will now be used. That seems to be what we are discussing. I condemn what occurred on 7 October, but this ratio would mean that there could be 120,000 people killed because no one, especially among the major powers, is shouting “Stop”. It is appalling that the arms trade is making megabucks from this conflict, which is coming from the major powers around the world because they are standing idly by and not intervening. I was in the food depots in 2009, where more than 900,000 people were receiving food in order to survive. Now, there is no access to food, so we will be dealing with starvation and disease. It is important that this conflict be stopped at the earliest opportunity.

I pay tribute to the Irish diplomatic corps, which is working tirelessly in Brussels and in the UN. It is only by bringing other countries on board with us that we can move together to stop what is occurring. This cannot continue. This is murder. There is no justification for what is occurring. Innocent people, including 10,000 children, have died. Of the people killed, 75% were women and children. It has to stop.

Deputy Mark Ward

I welcome the opportunity to discuss Gaza. The Government motion is a small step in the right direction, but it does not go anywhere near far enough. There is not one mention of a ceasefire anywhere in the motion. An immediate ceasefire is the one thing that will stop the slaughter of innocent civilians now.

What we are witnessing in Gaza is barbaric and inhumane. Let us be under no illusion - what we are witnessing is genocide. As good citizens, we are often asked to come forward and give testimony if we have witnessed a crime. I thank the more than 25,000 people who have taken the time to contact me and ask me and other Deputies to use our position to give testimony on their behalf. We are discussing this Government motion on Palestine because the Government was dragged to this position by the Irish people, who took to the streets in their hundreds, thousands and tens of thousands. The citizens of this country who lobbied me and all other TDs need to be commended.

Ireland has not only a moral obligation, but also a legal one under the 1948 genocide convention, to act to prevent the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza. I note that the Government motion states that it will "strongly consider an intervention in the South Africa v Israel case at the ICJ ... following the necessary legal and policy analysis". Other Deputies and I would like to see what this “necessary legal and policy analysis" looks like. I have not seen it yet. Ireland can take a case against Israel independently or join the South African ICJ case. Palestinian people do not have time for considerations. They are dying.

There is no time to lose as Israel’s indiscriminate bombing, shooting, starvation, dehydration and torture of Palestinian people continues at pace. Israel's denial of healthcare, communication, movement, shelter and the basic needs of children and adults in Gaza has shown no signs of letting up. More than 25,000 people have been killed in Gaza. This is collective punishment. This is a war crime. This is genocide. Every university in Gaza has been destroyed. For example, last week saw the controlled explosion of Israa University in south Gaza. The IDF had already commandeered the university as a military base. There was no reason for the IDF to have destroyed it other than to destroy future generations' chances of education.

Hospitals are targeted and medical staff are killed while treating patients. On average, more than ten children have lost one or both of their legs every day in Gaza since 7 October, with many amputations performed without anaesthesia. Just take a minute to let that sink in - children are having limbs amputated without pain relief. I do not know about the Minister of State, but my mind cannot comprehend that. Ms Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh, the Irish lawyer on the South African case, raised the acronym WCNSF – wounded child, no surviving family. WCNSF was created by Israel. More than 100 journalists have been killed by Israel and, in many cases, we have seen the annihilation of entire families. Israel is using internationally banned weapons to shell civilians in the Gaza Strip. We have seen the mass displacement of nearly 2 million people. Now we are seeing induced famine as another form of collective punishment. On Saturday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected calls for Palestinian sovereignty. Basically, Israel will not stop until Palestine does not exist. I am from a party that supports a two-state solution, but Israel reneged on that from the get-go. Israel's apartheid regime existed long before 7 October. It has operated for decades. Before 7 October, illegal Israel settlements in Palestine were constant.

Ireland can do many things. Words are cheap - we need action. Ireland must support the South African case. Are the lives of Ukrainians worth more than Palestinians'? This is sheer hypocrisy and unacceptable. Ireland can simply recognise the state of Palestine. That is in the programme for Government. Now that it is in government, though, the Government has reneged on this promise. The Tánaiste's excuse - that he does not want Ireland to be an outlier - does not wash in this instance. One hundred and thirty-nine other countries around the world have recognised the state of Palestine. Ireland must join them. We can enact the occupied territories Bill. The Government must also divest itself urgently of investments in Israeli businesses operating in occupied Palestinian territories. There is plenty of condemnation in the Government motion, but condemnation without sanctions is futile.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

Next is Deputy Boyd Barrett, who is sharing time with Deputy Barry.

Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett

The Government is trying to deliberately mislead the public and this House about its shameful failure to discharge its responsibilities under the genocide convention. On 22 November, People Before Profit tabled a motion in the Dáil through which we appealed to the Government to discharge its responsibilities under the convention, which I remind the Government are not about holding Israel accountable after the fact of a genocide, but about obliging us as signatories to prevent the commission of a genocide that is ongoing. The Government voted our resolution down. That is the truth. Shockingly, when I raised the matter the week before – it was the first time it was raised in the Dáil – the Government did not know the difference between the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice and gave excuses that related to the ICC but did not in any sense acknowledge the Government’s responsibilities under the genocide convention.

At that point, 11,000 people had been murdered by Israel. There are now 25,000. That is 14,000 more people dead. There were 1 million people displaced at the time. There are now 2 million displaced. Some 75% of all homes in Gaza have been destroyed. Israel is levelling Gaza in front of the world. It is ticking every box under the genocide convention for the commission of genocide. Every single government, including our own, that signed the genocide convention and has failed to act to stop this genocide, initiate proceedings and impose sanctions against Israel for the commission of genocide should hang its head in shame. It is outrageous. What good will a case be in two years’ time when the genocide is happening now?

The Government's motion continues with the attempts to partially justify Israel's actions. It refers to hostages that are held in Gaza by Hamas. It does not mention the thousands of Palestinians held hostage by Israel, many of whom were rounded up in the past three months and thousands more of whom were held hostage in the system of administrative detention long before that. There is no word about them being released or about the three Irish citizens, at least that I know of, including Zak Hania, being held hostage in Gaza by Israel. What is the Government doing about those people? There is no reference to them or to the dozens of families who are based here or who are citizens here and who are trying to get their loved ones out. Israel is holding them hostage as well. What is the Government doing about this? The answer is nothing.

Turning to the ICJ, the Government is still talking about only possibly supporting the South African action and using all sorts of excuses to justify its failure. What has Germany done? It has made a public statement to the effect that it is backing Israel. The United States has done the same, as has the UK. Ireland has not stated that it supports South Africa's call for these measures and that it commits to playing its part, including in the context of a requirement to take unilateral measures under the convention to sanction a state and prevent it from committing genocide.

Thousands of people will be outside the Dáil tomorrow night before the Government is forced to vote again on this issue. I encourage the public to take part in that protest, the purpose of which is to force the Government to discharge its responsibility to stop genocide.

Deputy Mick Barry

The Tánaiste is saying there would be no sense in boycotting the St. Patrick's Day trip. Let us have a quick look at this argument. The first argument put forward by the Tánaiste relates to why should we boycott when it is clear the US is trying to end the conflict. Clear to whom? Biden has pledged $14.3 billion in military aid to Israel. As of Christmas Day, Israel had unloaded 230 planeloads and 20 shiploads of weapons from the US. The second argument implies that it would make no difference and that we have to engage. Israel would not be able to prosecute its war into next month were it not for the support, political, diplomatic, financial and military, it gets from the US. Ireland should do whatever it can to apply pressure for a change in US policy. This is an election year in the US. All the polls show that the race will be very tight. The Irish are one of the biggest minorities in the US. If the Taoiseach were to pick up the phone to the US President and relay the message that a St. Patrick's Day visit cannot go ahead as long as the US is supporting genocide, would this be a point of pressure, yes or no? Clearly, the answer is "Yes". It should be done.

I am not sure if a case would be in the process of being heard in The Hague were it not for the masses of ordinary black people in South Africa. It is an election year there. I am of the view that the African National Congress, which is in government in South Africa, took this case under pressure from below. The Irish Government needs to come under pressure from below. I congratulate everyone who has taken part in the protests but these need to be stepped up in the weeks ahead. The Government has been very poor on the issue of this court case. Not only has it not fallen in and supported South Africa, but it has also actually criticised the people making the accusations and tried to undermine their case in trying to please the capitalist establishments in the US and the European Union.

The Government is feeling the pressure now. That pressure is showing in this debate. Some of the comments made by the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste about the Attorney General going to The Hague, about the validity of the South African case and so on show that the pressure is building on the Government. It is only going to continue to build. I encourage people to keep the pressure up.

Deputy Emer Higgins

I start by thanking the Tánaiste, his team and his officials for putting this motion together and giving us the opportunity to have a cross-party debate.

Sadly, we are in a much darker place than we were when last we were here condemning what is happening in Gaza. No matter what side of the House we sit on, we are watching horror unfold before our eyes. This is true not just of all of us in this Chamber but of all of us across the nation and the globe. Many of us feel helpless and want to shout "Stop". Ireland has done this. We were one of the first countries to call for a ceasefire. The cold and brutal reality, though, is that others are benefiting from the horror happening in Gaza. The arms trade is profiteering and, in some places, politicians are garnering votes off the back of the killing of innocent civilians. That is absolutely sickening.

We live in an era of misinformation and disinformation. Facts have never been more important. The facts are that 25,000 people in Gaza have been killed since the Hamas attack on Israel and 70% of them have been women and children. Today, the biggest concerns of NGOs like Sadaka – The Ireland Palestine Alliance, is Gaza's newest deadly threat, namely, starvation. The majority of people in Gaza are technically and actually experiencing real-life famine right now. This is in addition to having been displaced, to not having clean water and to living at ongoing risk of disease. The people of Palestine are under continuous deadly threats of attacks, of bombs and now of starvation.

Hamas killed Israelis on Israeli soil and it still holds 130 hostages. This is absolutely wrong, and I condemn it completely. It is indisputable that what Israel is doing is so far beyond disproportionate. I have spent time in Palestine and I have seen first-hand the utter disdain with which Israeli soldiers at point treated Palestinians in their own land. I cannot begin to imagine the pain and suffering that they are inflicting on a civilian population right now. The Tánaiste has been on the ground in the region and because of his work and the hard work of our officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs and our international collaborations, Irish hostages were released. This is why I reluctantly accept that we still need diplomatic channels in place even now with Israel. It is because, unfortunately, an ICJ ruling is not going to end this war. Only negotiations and diplomacy can do that.

Ireland has shown international leadership in this regard. We already have a court case holding Israel to account and our Attorney General will travel in a couple of weeks' time to The Hague to give evidence there. Ireland was among the first countries to call for a ceasefire, and we are using our diplomatic channels to assert Palestinians' right to assert their own state. We are providing practical support on the ground too in terms of aid and funding to NGOs and to institutions like the ICJ and the ICC, which need to hold Israel to account. Tonight, we are confirming Ireland's commitment to saying "Stop" - stop the death and stop the destruction in Gaza. We are saying "Yes" to safe and unhindered humanitarian aid that is so needed in that area. Most importantly, though, we are saying that Ireland will support the ICJ's preliminary response and that once the case is filed we can then intervene, just as we did at that point with Russia and Ukraine.

The Israel Defense Forces' mission is defence and their goal is security. Imagine defence and security is their motto. What the Israel Defense Forces are doing right now, though, is immeasurably beyond defence and it is causing nothing but instability right across the region. The Israel Defense Forces are renowned for their precision and state-of-the-art technologies, yet 70% of the people they are killing are women and children. A country with that big of a defence budget and that well-trained of a defence force and with that capability of technology simply does not do that by accident. They do that on purpose. In my view, and I am not a lawyer or an international expert, that has to be genocide. This is why Ireland must support the institutions of the ICC and the ICJ and why, as soon as it is legally appropriate, we as a Government and as a nation must intervene in that case. This is how we will send a clear and strong international signal.

How we do not send a clear and international signal, by the way, is by fighting among ourselves about whether stopping the war and a ceasefire are the same things. That is not helpful and it is not unity. It is simply playing to the national gallery when right now we need to be playing to the international gallery. That must be our audience. Stopping the war or a ceasefire, whatever way we put it, Palestinians in Gaza have to stop dying. This is the goal. This is the shared goal. If it is the shared goal, then, let us get on the same page.

Meanwhile, as we have these incredible debates, people are dying. By the time we finish this debate today, 13 women will have given birth and those 13 babies will have been born into hell on earth, into utter destruction and devastation.

Families are being wiped out, communities are being ravaged and schools and hospitals are being blown to bits. It has to stop and Ireland says "Stop". We have been a lonely voice internationally. Now, South Africa is that lonely voice and we must join it.

Deputy Alan Dillon

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate. The overwhelming priority of the Irish Government is to continue to advocate for an immediate stop to the death and destruction in Gaza and to take relevant actions to this end. Through the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste, the Irish Government is doing everything it can to bring about an immediate, durable and sustainable humanitarian truce between Israel and Hamas. The only way to achieve this or any resolution for communities in Israel and Gaza is immediate de-escalation through regional and international diplomacy.

While Israel has the right to defend itself, I unequivocally condemn its deliberate infliction of all this death, injury, illness and suffering on the captive civilian population in Gaza. There is no justification for the collective punishment inflicted on the Palestinian people, with over 24,000 killed in Gaza in just three months. This includes more than 10,000 innocent children. I acknowledge our fellow Irish citizens' strength of feeling towards those who are oppressed in Gaza, the 1.9 million people who have been displaced, their homes and vital infrastructure, including educational facilities, destroyed. Starvation and famine are sweeping across Palestine and are being used by the Israelis as a weapon of war. Some 95% of the hungriest people in the world are now in Gaza. A lack of clean water and adequate sanitation and the collapse of the healthcare system is causing a public health disaster of contagious disease among nearly 2 million displaced Palestinians and 65% of the hospitals in Gaza are now shut, with the WHO warning of widespread death from preventable diseases.

The case for immediate ceasefire in Gaza is compelling and becomes clearer by the hour in light of the horrific and mounting death toll. Many around the world are calling for a ceasefire. Without an immediate ceasefire, more innocent children will die.

Deputy Paul McAuliffe

At the outset, I should acknowledge the various Government TDs who have engaged with Sadaka. I refer to Deputies Higgins, Costello and Haughey and many others. This demonstrates the strength of feeling on the Government benches, which often goes unacknowledged.

Since I last spoke on the Palestinian situation, there has been an unacceptable deterioration and a catastrophic human disaster. Some 24,000 are dead and 1.9 million are displaced. There has been significant destruction of housing and infrastructure and famine is imminent. There is no doubt that, unfortunately and unacceptably, the international community has for decades allowed Israel's breaches of UN resolutions go unchecked. It is important to say that Ireland has never been party to that. Ireland's leadership on this issue is not being questioned internationally. Our position is clear and Israel knows it. Ireland, my party and I condemn the ongoing bombardment of Gaza by Israel. We have said it over and over again. In fact, we were one of the first countries in the world to say it. There must be an immediate ceasefire. We want unhindered access for humanitarian aid. Beyond Gaza, we condemn the violence against Palestinians in the West Bank and the Israeli announcements of funding for illegal settlements, a further breach of international law. We also demand the immediate and unconditional release of hostages held by armed groups in Gaza and the cessation of indiscriminate rocket fire from Gaza into Israel. That is what a ceasefire is.

Ireland is monitoring what is happening at the ICJ. I refer not only to the South African case, but also to the other cases and investigations regarding Palestine. I welcome the Taoiseach's clarification that Ireland has submitted a strong, robust and substantial legal opinion to the international court and that, in February, the Attorney General will give Ireland's oral submission in the ICJ case. We know that third-party state interventions in such cases can only take place after the court has made its order. It is clear that Ireland will examine the judgment when it is made. That cannot be done before the order is issued and others in this House know that. The case for genocide cannot be won as you would prosecute an argument in a political debating chamber. It is a legal charge and needs legal argument. I am confident that Ireland will not stand by when that judgment is issued and there is an opportunity to act, just as the Irish people have not stood by and just as we did in respect of Ukraine.

Deputy Mairéad Farrell

One in every 100 Gazans has now been killed. The death toll has reached over 25,000. That is an absolutely terrifying figure. It is actually a figure that is impossible to comprehend but we have to comprehend it because we need to understand the scale of the loss and the genocide that is unfolding in Gaza. I know that, during an tAire Stáit's time as Minister of State with responsibility for the Gaeltacht, he got to know my home county of Galway. I will use it as an example. It is like every resident of Athenry, Barna, Clifden, Moycullen, Oranmore, Oughterard, Portumna and Ballinasloe all being wiped out in a four-month period. That is the scale of devastation visited upon those poor Palestinians currently in Gaza.

Yesterday, The New York Times said "The daily death toll in Gaza has fallen in half over the past month". That statement was met with absolute shock not because it was some kind of new and important statistic or one that reflected that the end was finally in sight, but because most people wondered how we could even know that the number of deaths is falling. Israel has bombed every hospital in Gaza. No hospital in Gaza is fully functional. The infrastructure of the Gaza health ministry has been completely and utterly demolished. More UN workers have been killed in this conflict than in any other and more journalists, who report on the deaths, have been killed than in any other conflict since the Second World War.

We have all heard the genocidal statements made by Israel's Government. Its minister for defence declared that Israel was fighting human animals and that it would eliminate everything. The country's Prime Minister said it was fighting Amalek, the biblical tribe God supposedly commanded be completely eradicated. However, what the Irish people, including the hundreds of thousands of them who have protested against the genocide unfolding in Gaza, see is a proud but defenceless population of Gazans who are currently undergoing a genocide, a population that has long been starved, subjugated and stripped of their most basic human rights and dignity. One in four are now at risk of starvation. The entire population of Gaza is at risk of famine. Women are having to give birth through Caesarean section without anaesthetic, resulting in emergency hysterectomies and death. On average, more than ten children every single day since 7 October have lost one or both of their legs. Many have had to undergo amputations without the use of anaesthetic. What kind of cruel world do we live in that allows that to continue without the international community actively doing anything about it? This is a crime against a humanity and the shame of the world.

I am shocked at this Government's lack of action. It was one of the first governments of a western nation to speak out but only a week ago the Taoiseach was ruling out actively supporting South Africa's case. There appears to have been some kind of shift in the Government's approach but only as a result of the public outrage at its lack of action or, perhaps, because another EU nation, Belgium, has now stepped forward to say it supports South Africa. I give credit where it is due to Belgium, but the latter is a former colonial power and it would have been far more fitting if we had been the first. We should have been the first and we should continue that support now given our history as the first western nation to oppose apartheid in South Africa. We can be thankful that Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh is part of the South African legal team. As a result, many Irish people felt that we were there in spirit. We are a signatory to the genocide convention and, as such, we are obliged to do everything we can to prevent the risk of genocide. Trócaire has said that this humanitarian disaster is without parallel or precedent.

A week ago, the last remaining university in Gaza was levelled. Of course, it is no surprise that Israel is denying access to education just as it is denying the lives of the people of Gaza.

It is trying to destroy their education. It is destroying their lives and history. We need to support South Africa's brave actions. The Government initially talked the talk but it must walk the walk, support South Africa and say "Stop the genocide".

Deputy Peadar Tóibín

In Gaza, 25,000 individual human beings have been murdered since the horrendous attacks by Hamas on 7 October. This is the equivalent of every man, woman and child in a large Irish town such as Tralee being killed. More than 10,000 children have been killed in those attacks. That is the equivalent of 416 classrooms of innocent children murdered in that time. Women and children have been the main victims of Israel's war, with more than 16,000 of them killed. It is estimated that two mothers have been killed every hour since the start of the war. Journalists and humanitarian staff have been killed in massive numbers. Israel's war has been completely and purposefully indiscriminate in recent months. In an area half the size of County Louth, Ireland's smallest county, 1.9 million people are now displaced and without homes. Close to 1 million of them are women and girls who are seeking shelter and safety. Schools and hospitals have been vaporised and the rules of war have been completely dumped by the Israel Defence Forces. People are purposefully being deprived of safety, medicine, healthcare and shelter. By its own admission, Israel has been preventing food and water from reaching more than 1 million people in the area. This is shocking. We have seen a famine made by the Israeli Government famine start to spread throughout the statelet.

On any examination of the evidence, it is impossible to say this is accidental. All the evidence shows this human terror is, in fact, the purposeful collateral damage of the Israeli Government. There is no other way to view the actions that are unfolding in Gaza. This horror is being manufactured by Israel. For all of this, Israel is responsible. Collective punishment on a biblical scale is happening in our time. The shocking thing is there has been no accountability for it. The shocking element is that most of the West has stood on its hands. Indeed, the US, the EU and Britain have given Israel a blank cheque to do what it is doing. This is a deep stain on the US, the EU and Britain. That they have lost any moral authority in the context of future of international conflicts is obvious. Now we are seeing the spread of the war to other countries, such as Yemen. There have been direct attacks on Iranian army personnel in Syria and attacks in south Lebanon have continued.

The Government, too, has a responsibility. It has outsourced its foreign policy in this regard to the EU. There is no legal responsibility on the Government to outsource its foreign policy on this matter to the EU. Under the EU treaties, foreign policy is still a national competency. Why has the Government outsourced its policy, especially in light of the fact that the EU has grossly distorted our foreign policy message? It might have been understandable for the Government to have decided to collectively work with the EU if the EU's policy on this matter was in some way reflective of our objectives. However, the EU has grossly distorted this in the context of giving a blank cheque to the Israeli Government. Ursula von der Leyen went to the US and said the EU stood with the US in supporting Israel's right to wage war so horrendously on Gaza.

We have had words from the Government, and I welcome some of the words from Government TDs today, but we need actions. Words are not making a squat of difference in this matter. We need to recognise the state of Palestine. That is a must for the Government. We need to support the case of South Africa. We need to leverage the special relationship we have with the US, which is the most powerful player in all of this. When the initial phases of the conflict broke out, the US moved aircraft carriers to the eastern Mediterranean to underline its support for what was about to commence. We are not leveraging our special relationship with the US in any way whatsoever. One of the reasons we are not doing so is because this country has commercial interests in all this. It is hypocritical to say otherwise. The Government fawned over the Chinese Premier last year despite the horrendous treatment of the Uyghur population in the Xinjiang province. It is amazing that the Government has been so selective in terms of the delivery of foreign policy in the past five years - selective because of commercial interests. That is one of the reasons the Government is not properly leveraging its relationship with the US Government on this matter. It also needs to stand up to the disastrous EU policy. It is horrendous that EU leaders have got away with the language they have used in recent months.

Obviously, Ireland is a small country. Our effect on international affairs can be quite small, but we have a competency in the context of peace processes. We are internationally recognised as an honest broker. We should have capitalised on the statements from the EU some months ago, when it sought to create an international peace conference and force Israel to participate in that conference. In fact, when Israeli diplomats were asked whether Israel would participate in that international peace conference, they stated they had no detail and it was a nebulous offer from the EU. This country could have created that detail, however. We could have, at least, prevented excuses from coming from Israel in respect of peace. There must be a peaceful political resolution to this but that will not happen until the blank cheque is pulled from Israel, the international community decides to tolerate it no more and the Government stands up with action rather than words.

Deputy Patrick Costello

We have spoken a lot about genocide. It is important to underline that genocide turns on intention to kill or destroy. It is not about the numbers, the method used or the time it takes to happen. Before the current brutal phase of this long conflict, we saw the brutality of the occupation, with settlement building by Israel in contravention of international law, land confiscations, land closures and house demolitions. We have seen a military occupation that is brutalising and dehumanising to Palestinians. This has been going on since 1948 and 1967. Analysis by the Israeli Committee against House Demolitions, an Israeli NGO, in respect of these house demolitions and land clearances states:

The motivation for demolishing these homes is purely political, and racially informed: to either drive the Palestinians out of the country altogether or to confine the four million residents of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza to small, crowded, impoverished and disconnected enclaves ...

The latter is the imposition of a way of life designed to destroy, in part, the Palestinian people with deliberate intent. That alone, even before we look at what has been happening in recent months, meets the criteria for an investigation of the crime of genocide. We were already looking at a slow-motion genocide. Now, of course, it is significantly more brutal. It is on our television screens. As stated at the ICJ, the victims are now filming their own death and genocide. We can see the cruelty, inhumanity and brutality at first hand. However, the bombs will stop eventually. What will be left after that? It will be occupation and apartheid. The occupation is not going anywhere. There is no action happening to challenge that occupation.

Other Deputies have spoken about the impunity Israel is facing. We need to do more. We need to step up, move beyond words and do more. Ireland has been very involved in and supportive of the advisory opinion case at the ICJ, which started back in December 2022, I think, and is finally coming to fruition in terms of oral arguments this February. Will the Attorney General talk about the settlements, the house demolitions and the land confiscations, all of which have been designed to force a quiet transfer on Palestinian people? We know this because that is what the Israeli state representatives themselves say. Benjamin Netanyahu has been very clear that from the river to the sea will be Israeli and will be an Israeli state and there will be no Palestinian state. What is that if not genocidal language? Will the Attorney General raise the crime of apartheid we are seeing every day when he is on his feet in the Hague in February? We need to see that and hear those words spoken and we do need to do more.

Recognition of Palestine is in the programme for Government. It is couched in language of when the time is right and when it will facilitate peace. It is couched in conditionals. If we are not going to recognise Palestine now, when are we going to do it? If we do not do it now, very soon there will be no Palestine left to recognise. We have been strong in some of our words. We have been strong in the engagement with the advisory opinion case. We need to do significantly more if we are going to address the brutal reality that Palestinians are living under.

Deputy Fergus O'Dowd

It was a former Secretary General of the United Nations, Dag Hammarskjöld, describing what the United Nations was about, who said it was not created in order to bring us to heaven but in order to save us from hell. If there is one thing clear from my constituents, it is that the Middle East is in absolute hell right now. What people in my constituency want is for the war to end and for the hostages to be freed as the very first step. The issue I would like to raise is the lack of authority of the United Nations and the lack of mandate it appears to have to bring about that peace and to stop that hell. The paralysis that is very clear in the Security Council, when the United Nations is unable to act effectively in Ukraine and now in the Middle East, is a cause of grievous concern for the vast majority of people who speak to me. The world is now a much more dangerous place because of all these troubles and because of the lack of determination internationally to stop this war and bring about peace.

Absent from some contributions to this debate is the question of who caused this initial trouble. It was Hamas who went in and who raped, murdered and killed 1,500 people in cold blood. It had absolutely no mandate and no reason to do it. The reaction from Israel has been equally and just as bad as what Hamas did. I believe, and it is the Government's objective, that both Israel and Hamas must be held accountable for any and all violations of international humanitarian law, including potential war crimes and crimes against humanity. Ireland fully supports the investigation of this by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, which is vital to ensure accountability. We need to go back to what I said initially, and we must use all our efforts through the United Nations, through our Government contacts and through all parties in this House and none to ensure the war stops now. Some of the debate has been about whether this is a collective punishment, whether it is ethnic cleansing, or whether it is daily massacres and indiscriminate slaughter. It is all and each and every one of those. We are just appalled by the killing, the serious injury, the destruction of living conditions and the famine that is close to the door now of many people in Palestine. I welcome this debate. I like to think we would agree and unite in this House on the two main aims and that, whatever divisions there might be about defining different words, we want the killing to stop, we want the war to end and we want the Government to continue to use every potential, every door and every access it has to ensure this happens.

Deputy John Lahart

Despite significant international pressure for a ceasefire, Israel continues to conduct intensive military operations in the Gaza Strip. The death toll, as we know, is in excess of 25,000 people, approximately, including many children and their mothers. While the sympathy of the international community sided universally with Israel following the horrendous events in October, Israel's response has already passed the point of exhausting international sentiment. The Irish Government has been right to pursue a common EU approach and I commend the Tánaiste on his tireless work in seeking diplomatic solutions. It is clear the Israeli Prime Minister is in no mood for compromises or negotiated settlements, or even a two-state solution. Time and again his Government advised Palestinians to leave their settlements for alternative areas of refuge, only to raze those same areas to the ground, including hospitals. Does the Israeli Government care for what Ireland thinks? It is clear the Israeli Government has little regard for the views of even its greatest ally. However, others in the world do care for what we think.

While I support the Government's call for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, it troubles me greatly what lies beyond such a ceasefire. Is it a simple return to the blanket pummelling of innocent children and women once again? The Tánaiste on his visit to Israel made clear that the view of the Irish Government is that the notion that Hamas can be defeated is fanciful. Israel is no doubt familiar with 800 years of Irish history in that regard, yet Israel persists. The war being waged by Israel is now completely disproportionate and would suggest that its objective is the obliteration of Gaza as a political entity and ensuring that by destroying the infrastructure, Palestinians will no longer be able to live there again. Since the Hamas attack, which I roundly condemn, our Government is playing a role of which we can all be proud. However, for so many people there is still too much talk internationally. The military campaign simply has to stop. We know from recent history that ultimately what shamed another country, South Africa, into change was when the world turned its face away from it.

Shakespeare in The Merchant of Venice captured the torment of the Jews of Europe. The powerful sentiments attributed to Shylock can be directly ascribed now to Gaza, 500 years later:

I am a [Palestinian]. Hath

not a [Palestinian] eyes? hath not a [Palestinian] hands, organs,

dimensions, senses, affections, passions? fed with

the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject

to the same diseases, healed by the same means,

warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer [...]?

If you prick [a Palestinian], do [they] not bleed?

if you tickle [them], do [they] not laugh? if you poison

[them], do [they] not die? and if you wrong [them], shall [they] not

revenge? If [they] are like you in the rest, [they] will

resemble you in that. If [you] wrong a Christian,

what is his humility? Revenge. [So what should]

[the sufferance of a Palestinian be by example?] Why, revenge. The villainy you

teach [Palestinians], [they] will execute, and it shall go hard but [they]

[may] better the instruction.

Deputy Michael Healy-Rae

I support the Social Democrats original motion and thank the party for bringing it before us. I also thank the groups in Killarney and Tralee and throughout Kerry who have rightly expressed their outrage at what is happening. This motion paints a harrowing picture of the war in Gaza, highlighting the dire humanitarian crisis and the urgent need for peace. It underscores the devastating impact of the conflict on the Palestinian population, including the loss of life, displacement, and the collapse of essential services. The motion rightly calls for an end to the violence and for the international community to uphold its obligation under the Genocide Convention. The Hamas-run authorities say 25,000 civilians and fighters have died.

According to the UN, another 7,000 may lie under the rubble. Israel says it has killed 8,000 terrorists, but far too little water, food and medicine is reaching Gaza and there are truly no safe zones for civilians. Mr. Netanyahu is said to have no post-war plan other than anarchy or occupation. Extremists within his coalition talk outrageously of permanently displacing Palestinians from the enclave.

The Rural Independent Group TDs believe that long-term peace in the Middle East can only be achieved through dialogue and negotiation. While the motion calls for urgent intervention, it is equally important to stress the need for dialogue and negotiation between the conflicting parties, as a sustainable solution can only be reached through mutual understanding and compromise. While the motion focuses on Ireland's role, it is essential to underscore the responsibility of other nations, especially those with more influence in the region, to contribute to peace efforts. These include the Arab countries and, of course, the US. While the motion addresses the immediate crisis, it is crucial to discuss the long-term solutions, such as addressing the root cause of the conflict, ensuring respect for human rights and working towards a two-state solution.

Deputy Richard O'Donoghue

Nearly 100,000 Palestinians have been killed, reported missing or wounded in Gaza since Israel began its military operation three months ago. Among that number are 25,000 people who have been confirmed dead, two thirds of whom are women and children. Eighty-five percent of the population has been displaced. The healthcare system has collapsed, and operations like amputations and Caesarean sections are being performed without anaesthetic or any form of pain relief. What has this world come to?

A ceasefire is needed. Israel needs to be held accountable, as do the other parties involved. Hamas terrorist organisations must also be held accountable in the same way as Israel. The last time I spoke on this issue, I was falsely taken as not having condemned the actions of Israel. I do condemn the actions of Israel, as I do those of Hamas. I also stand by the decision not to dismiss the ambassador of Israel to Ireland because, when in a position of war, channels of communication are vital. Those wanting to close such channels would make working towards peace impossible. It is something I stand by. All parties should be held accountable for their inhumane actions. I did not support the calls for the dismissal of an ambassador who was our only channel of communication at a time when we needed help rescuing Irish people in Gaza. I stand by that. I will stand by that in the future. We have to keep communication lines open to ensure peace. I also stand by the fact that Israel and Hamas must be held accountable. We must do everything in our power across the floor of this House and across the world to make sure they are held accountable. Foremost, I want peace. The killing must stop. We must stop people - women and children - from having to go through operations and amputations without any form of pain relief or anaesthetic. That is not what Ireland is about. Ireland wants peace. I will do anything I can to help get that peace.

Deputy Mattie McGrath

I, too, believe that the situation underscores the urgent need for peace, not war. We would much rather see the Irish Government step up its effort to bring about a peaceful ceasefire. The pursuit of peace and justice should always be our guiding principles, regardless of the complexities of international law and optics.

I condemn utterly the actions of Hamas on that fateful day in October. I unreservedly condemn the massive overreaction of Israel. It will not even listen to its allies in the United States. Now we have game-playing, with motions being brought forward and the South African situation. Goodness knows, they know enough about trouble and apartheid and everything else. Sense has to prevail here. The destruction, torture, killing and slaughter of women, children, whole families and communities has to stop. What I cannot understand at all is the barbaric nature of the movement of people into an area - and it is a tiny bit of land anyway - and the bombardment of it after that. I do not know how you could not call it genocide.

We are being inundated with emails. You would think we are all powerful and we can do a lot, but Ireland has always been a neutral country. We must maintain our neutrality and must work, as we have respect all over the world for punching above our weight, in trying to bring about a ceasefire. The EU must also do more. Indeed, what sickens and saddens me is the amount of armoury and armaments and the whole industry around that. Apparently, these people want a war every ten or 15 years to ensure they can offload their supplies and create new lethal weapons. We must do our best to stop this savage, barbaric war.

Deputy Joan Collins

I am speaking on behalf of the Independent Group. As we speak, Israel is assaulting the Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, a city it previously declared as a safe zone for refugees. This is not the first atrocity we have seen Israel commit since it invaded Gaza and it will not be the last. It is just one of the many atrocities against civilians we have witnessed, and will witness, as the Israeli state wages war against the captive, starving civilian population of Gaza. To my mind, it is clear now that what we are witnessing is genocide. We are a signatory of the Genocide Convention. We have a legal obligation to prevent genocide. More than that, we have a moral obligation to do everything we can to prevent the annihilation of Gaza and its people. That, to my mind, is exactly what we are witnessing.

When South Africa's case was heard by the International Court of Justice, the Taoiseach called it complex and a far from clear-cut case of genocide, excusing why this Government has failed in its legal and moral duty to prevent genocide by joining the case. I will describe what the Israeli Government thinks of its own campaign of murder and destruction, through the calls to genocide from the Israeli Government and army. On 12 October, the President of Israel said:

It’s an entire nation out there that is responsible. This rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved, it’s absolutely not true.

On 28 October, Benjamin Netanyahu stated:

You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember.

He was referencing the total destruction of Amalek by the Israelites and the Bible passage that reads "Spare no one, but kill alike men and women, infants and sucklings". On 7 October, the deputy speaker of the Knesset said, "Now we all have one common goal - erasing the Gaza Strip from the face of the Earth." On 9 October, the Minister of Defence said, "We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly." On 1 November, the Minister of Heritage said the north of the Gaza Strip is more beautiful than ever. Everything is blown up and flattened, simply a pleasure for the eyes. On 11 November, the Minister of Agriculture said, "We are now rolling out the Gaza Nakba." On 9 October, the Israeli army Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories said "no electricity, no water, just damage. You wanted hell, you will get hell". On 12 October an Israeli army major-general said, "The State of Israel has no choice but to turn Gaza into a place where it is temporarily or permanently impossible to live in."

That is what the Israeli Government and army are saying. The Israeli Government and army have been calling for genocide since day one. They have publicly and openly said it and the Irish Government is ignoring it. To my understanding, it is a clear case of genocide. It is staring the Government in the face and it is refusing to do all it can to stop it. One of the things it can do is to recognise the state of Palestine and another is signalling its support for the South African application. We have obviously done a lot of work already, considering the case is before the International Criminal Court and the fact the Attorney General is going over in February. We have enough of the work done.

Deputy Catherine Connolly

I have to say that I am disappointed. We should be here today with one voice and one motion that should unequivocally condemn the actions of Israel. Of course, I am on the record as condemning Hamas, but we are way beyond that now. The figures have been mentioned already. Some 25,295 Palestinians have been killed. Just yesterday, four Palestinians were struck and killed as they were trying to recover corpses in Khan Younis, and so on. We stand here today with a speech from the Tánaiste and a motion that bears no reality in relation to what we should be doing as an independent Republic and a sovereign state.

We should be showing leadership as a neutral country. Instead of that, we are playing games.

I welcome the speeches of Government backbenchers. Clearly, the Government itself is out of touch with its own backbenchers, and certainly out of touch with the protestors who have filled the streets of Dublin, Galway, where I have attended every protest, and Killarney. They are telling us to use our voices to stop the slaughter, yet the Government cannot agree with us on a clear motion stating that what Israel is doing is wrong. In fact, while it condemns the ongoing bombardment of Gaza, you would think the bombs were just dropping from the sky. Israel fails to be mentioned.

Turning to the submission to the ICJ, I thank South Africa and its legal team. We have been quoting the President of Israel, its Prime Minister and its various ministers, and that is completely set out the document. When we talk about a two-state solution, which the Tánaiste has said he believes in, I will quote what one of the Ministers have said:

[When] they return here [they] will find scorched earth. No houses, no agriculture, no nothing. They have no future.

That is what has been clearly set out by the leaders of Israel, from top to bottom, yet we cannot agree on a motion that sets that out. If we look on Israel as our friend, it is our duty, not just under the genocide convention, to tell our friends that what they are doing is wrong. To equate our criticism and condemnation of the actions of the Israeli Government and the army to antisemitism is completely out of bounds. It is unacceptable to do that. It is an insult to the Jewish people and to the brave Jewish people who have come out, at great cost to themselves, and said that what the Israeli Government is doing in their name is absolutely wrong.

I ask the Minister of State to read the submission by South Africa. At the very least, we should be supporting and lauding it for having the courage to make this submission. We should have one motion in all our names; that is the message that should be going out to Israel and the Israeli ambassador. That is not the same as being anti-Jewish; it is pro-Jewish, pro-Palestine and pro-life. It is an absolute obscenity for the Tánaiste to have said in his contribution that the people of Palestine can wait no longer when that is exactly what we are allowing to happen.

Deputy Violet-Anne Wynne

The omission from the motion of the word "ceasefire" is a lesson in political semantics that shows how disingenuous the motion is. Language is absolutely important when it is all we have, and that is thanks to the enormous lack of meaningful action. That anyone in this House would be unsure as to whether Netanyahu and his government are in the process of committing genocide is absolutely ridiculous. After the slaughter of 25,000 Palestinians, 10,000 of them children, the injury of 62,000 more and the displacement of 1.9 million, how can anyone be unsure of the amoral guilt of Netanyahu and his government? I am not sure what level of proof of the genocide this Government needs. I think that if Netanyahu were to arrive at the Tánaiste's office to tell him he was committing genocide, he would still sit there with a wait-and-see attitude for the judgement on South Africa’s case. Wait and see for what - the complete eradication of the Palestinian people from the face of this earth?

The Government’s refusal to take any meaningful action on the atrocities Israel is committing in Palestine is an act of complicity - end of - which, given this nation’s history of occupation and subjugation, is shameful. The decision as to whether to join South Africa’s case goes beyond supporting Palestine. This nation has a history of siding with the oppressed rather than the oppressor and, despite the many emotive words of shock and horror coming from this House, Ireland has sided with the oppressor.

I listened with intent to the Taoiseach's comments during Leaders' Questions in respect of the Attorney General, who will travel to The Hague in person, but not until 22 February. It should not have to be said this level of injustice we have been witnessing requires immediate action, with no more of the wait-and-see. Regretful complicity is still complicity, and future generations will remember the Government for what it did not do while children lay dying on the other side of the world.

Minister of State at the Department of Transport (Deputy Jack Chambers)

I thank all the Deputies for their interventions and their sustained interest and concern about the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory in Israel. I welcome this opportunity to address the House on the events of recent weeks and Ireland’s ongoing engagement.

The escalation of violence and the effects on life in the region are appalling. The scale of the tragedy unfolding before us has affected everyone. We have all seen the incredibly distressing images on our screens night after night of families, including children, suffering the most unimaginable hardship. Since this House last discussed the situation in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory, it is clear the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip has worsened considerably. The number of people in the Gaza Strip estimated to have been killed since 7 October now stands at over 25,000, while many more have been injured and the vast majority of the population have been displaced. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs currently cites reports that over 60% of Gaza's housing units have been destroyed or damaged. Only 16 of the 36 hospitals in Gaza remain partially functional. Water availability in Gaza continues to diminish, with municipals' wells operating at a mere one tenth of their capacity, and desalination plants at 7% of their capacity prior to the escalation of hostilities.

The humanitarian situation in Gaza is now very grave. This catastrophic situation is worsening by the day. There is considerable risk to the lives of so many in Gaza, not only from the violence of Israel's actions but also from the lack of food, clean water, power and sanitation. Last week, the Secretary General of the United Nations, António Guterres, called the destruction caused by Israeli military operations heartbreaking and utterly unacceptable. There is simply not enough humanitarian aid getting to people in Gaza. Humanitarian aid is needed on a much larger scale than is currently being allowed, and it is imperative that access to water, food, medicine and power be increased significantly. The situation in Gaza cannot be allowed to deteriorate further and it is absolutely necessary that supplies be allowed to reach those who most need them.

It is also important to recall that the Government condemned the actions of Hamas on 7 October that began this escalation of hostilities. Everyone should denounce the horrifying violence committed on that day, and the Government continues to call on Hamas to release the hostages who have now been held in captivity for more than three months and to stop indiscriminate rocket fire.

The Government is also deeply concerned by the situation in the West Bank. We have seen a drastic increase in the level of violence since 7 October and the current UN reports are that 358 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank, including eight people who have been killed by violent settlers. The year 2023 marked the highest number of Palestinians killed in the West Bank since UN records began in 2005. Ireland has been consistent in raising this issue of settler violence in our interactions with the Israeli authorities.

The heightened tensions throughout the region are now extremely concerning, including on the Blue Line between Israel and Lebanon. In the Red Sea, attacks on shipping by the Houthis are putting the lives of civilian crews in danger and having a significant impact on global trade. It is imperative we do our utmost to avoid any potential further escalation of conflict in the region, which could be catastrophic.

As the Tánaiste said in his contribution, Ireland continues to be a leading voice in the European Union calling for a durable humanitarian ceasefire. This week, he attended a meeting of the EU Foreign Affairs Council, which focused on the situation in the Middle East. The discussions featured the participation of the Palestinian and Israeli foreign ministers, as well as those from Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. The Tánaiste's contributions at the meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council focused on the need for the EU to speak clearly and consistently in support of a durable ceasefire. Unfortunately, despite this being the position of most member states, it has not been possible to agree on a common EU position in support of a ceasefire. The current position of the EU to call for humanitarian pauses is not enough. Both the Taoiseach at the European Council and the Tánaiste at the Foreign Affairs Council have advocated very strongly for agreement among member states in recent weeks to call for the durable ceasefire the people of Gaza so desperately need.

We will continue to lead calls, and advocate with like-minded EU member states, for stronger and clearer common policies reflecting the EU's fundamental values, including our commitment to peace. Ireland is firm that the EU should play a role in encouraging both an immediate ceasefire and the restoration of a long-term political horizon, and I welcome the engagement of Arab partners, as well as the US and others, to bring about an end to the current violence and to consider practical options to develop a longer term political horizon.

The ultimate goal of peace and security for all the people of Israel and Palestine can only be achieved through dialogue and a meaningful peace process. The Government continues to prioritise supporting legitimate pathways to a lasting peace in all its interactions.

At the United Nations General Assembly, and across our involvement in international organisations, the Government has made Ireland's position and commitment to peace clear. Ireland supported the UN General Assembly resolutions that called for a ceasefire. We continue to use our voice and our support for multilateralism to call for an end to this violence and an end to the deaths and suffering of civilians. Ireland is a strong supporter of international law and we have been firm that the system should provide accountability. We have been clear that all actors, including non-state actors, have binding obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law, which prohibits the targeting of civilians.

Israel's right to self-defence can only be exercised in line with international humanitarian law. The principles of distinction, precaution and proportionality, as well as the prohibition on collective punishment apply, as they do in all armed conflicts. I have heard the comments that have been made today regarding the case South Africa has taken at the International Court of Justice. The Tánaiste has outlined the approach Ireland will take in the coming weeks following the decision on the provisional measures and after the filing of a memorial by the applicant, South Africa. These decisions will need careful consideration and, in such circumstances, it is the responsible course of action to take decisions following a legal analysis, as we have done in many previous cases.

I agree with the sense of urgency in this House to act to prevent further bloodshed. That is what Ireland is doing. We will continue to argue for the cessation of hostilities. We will utilise our role in the EU and the United Nations. Ireland will continue to lead within the EU and internationally. We will continue to raise our concerns with regional governments and in our interactions around the world. We will continue to draw on our own peace process experience to advocate for a more stable, prosperous future for the region.

Amendment put.

An Leas-Cheann Comhairle

In accordance with Standing Order 80(2), the division is postponed until the weekly division time tomorrow evening.

Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 23 Jan 2024

Conflict in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Motion

Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 23 Jan 2024