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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 6 Mar 2024

Vol. 1051 No. 1

Housing Targets and Regulations: Motion [Private Members]

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

notes that:

— Government housing targets are simply too low, and not delivering the necessary number of affordable homes;

— as we approach the one-year anniversary of the lifting of the temporary no-fault eviction ban, Residential Tenancies Board (RTB) data shows 19,011 eviction notices were issued in 2023, and 61 per cent of these were due to the sale of the property;

— homelessness continues to reach record highs, with 13,531 accessing emergency accommodation in January, 4,027 of them children, a 17 per cent increase over the last year;

— the Central Statistics Office Residential Property Price Index now shows average house prices are higher than the Celtic Tiger peak;

— the average national rent in Quarter 3 2023 was €1,598 per month, rising to €2,112 in Dublin, which is an 11 per cent national year on year change, and a 10 per cent increase in Dublin; and

— the regulation of short-term lets is being blocked by the European Commission, while analysis last week shows over 18,000 entire homes for short-term rental on Airbnb compared with only 2,007 for longer term rental on Daft;

further notes that:

— tenants live in fear of receiving a notice to quit from their landlord, and there is provision for only 1,500 homes to be purchased under the Tenant-in-Situ Scheme, while only about 130 landlords are being engaged with by the Housing Agency under the Cost Rental Tenant In-Situ (CRTiS) Scheme;

— recent media reports have revealed unscrupulous landlords have deployed CCTV to monitor tenants, engaged in unlawful evictions, failed to pay compensation to former tenants awarded by the RTB, and summarily fired employees;

— multiple efforts from the Opposition to improve the rights of renters have been ignored by the Government, including Labour's Residential Tenancies (Tenants' Rights) Bill 2021; and

— Labour first proposed a Bill to regulate short-term lets in the Seanad in 2017, and since then weak Government legislation has failed to tackle the removal of homes from the long-term rental market;

recognises that:

— in the absence of enough new homes being built, further action by Government is needed on measures to boost supply, including a greater focus on tackling vacancy and dereliction, and the regulation of short-term lets; and

— to reduce homelessness, it is necessary to keep people in their homes by introducing stronger rights for renters and increased application of the CRTiS Scheme; and

calls for:

— increased Government housing targets to be published, with an implementation plan to deliver the minimum 50,000 new homes we need a year that should also include ringfenced provision for older people, and people with disabilities;

— the introduction of greater security for renters through legislation to further limit the grounds for eviction and to end no fault evictions;

— the European Commission to stop dragging its feet on the regulation of short-term lets and for the Government to act aggressively to return homes to long-term rental;

— a European Union plan for affordable housing that will protect State investment in public housing, end the financialisation of housing, and tackle speculation in the housing system;

— increased enforcement powers for the RTB and local authorities to ensure exploitative landlords are held to account;

— a doubling of the Tenant-in-Situ Scheme to at least 3,000 homes a year, and increased take up of the CRTiS Scheme; and

— increased funding for local authorities to tackle vacancy and dereliction through the compulsory purchase of empty buildings.

I am delighted to move this motion on behalf of the Labour Party as its Private Members' business this morning.

This motion concerns housing targets and regulation. It is an acknowledgment that Government housing targets are too low, the Government is not delivering the necessary number of affordable homes and we are seeing not just a housing crisis, but as the President has put it, a housing disaster, with all of us hearing from people across the country who are unable to access affordable homes to buy or rent. This failure is acknowledged by the Government. I raised the matter with the Taoiseach during yesterday’s Leaders' Questions and he responded by saying that the Government would not be opposing the Labour motion. While that is welcome, it is an empty gesture if the Government is not planning to do anything to address the housing crisis. For too long - the past four years, indeed - what we have seen is a Government acting like a bystander to a housing crisis, commenting on it and acknowledging that the targets are too low and delivery is falling short of demand, yet failing to adopt the measures that would have an actual impact on addressing the crisis. The Government is not acting with urgency or sufficient ambition.

That is the key message in our housing motion. We have noted in it that homelessness continues to reach record highs, which is shameful in a country that is running budget surpluses and almost at full employment. In January, 13,531 people accessed emergency accommodation. Of that number, more than 4,000 were children. It was shocking to see how little attention was paid by the headlines or Government to the fact that this was the first time the number of children in homelessness had exceeded 4,000. Each of those 4,000 cases is a human catastrophe for the family, the child, the child’s future prospects and our society. These children are growing up in homelessness. They are growing up in hotel bedrooms and without space in which to develop, to which they can invite friends, and in which they can do their homework and reach their full potential. The 4,000 figure represents a 17% increase over the past year. In the meantime, we are seeing house prices that are higher than their Celtic tiger peak. Rents are skyrocketing despite rent pressure zone legislation. In quarter 3 of last year, the average national rent was €1,598 per month. In Dublin, it was more than €2,000 per month. That is unaffordable for far too many people. The regulation of short-term lets is being blocked by the European Commission. In response, the Government says it is waiting on a decision as if there is nothing it can do about the matter. According to analysis last week, more than 18,000 homes are now available for short-term rental on Airbnb compared with only 2,000 for longer term rental on Daft. Tenants are living in fear of receiving a notice to quit from their landlords. There is provision for only 1,500 homes to be purchased under the tenant in situ scheme. The Housing Agency is engaging with a derisory figure of approximately 130 landlords under the cost-rental tenant in situ scheme. Many of us have heard from landlords who are deeply frustrated because they want to engage but are being blocked. Recent media reports revealed that unscrupulous landlords had deployed CCTV to monitor tenants, had engaged in unlawful evictions and had summarily fired employees. I have raised the case of Mr. Marc Godart a number of times in the Dáil, yet we are seeing no action on such matters by the Government. For years, multiple efforts by the Opposition to improve the rights of renters and provide for more effective housing policy have been blocked or ignored by the Government, including our Residential Tenancies (Tenants' Rights) Bill 2021 and the Bill that we first proposed to regulate short-term lets some years ago. Since then, there has been a lack of action by the Government.

In the context of all of these issues, our motion calls on the Government to publish increased housing targets. The Taoiseach has been promising me for some months that the Government will do this. We all know that the housing targets in Housing for All, as the Government calls it, are too low. We call it "Housing for Some" because it is not delivering for all. Its target of approximately 30,000 is too low, given that we all know that in or around 50,000 new homes are needed per year. We also know that we need to see ring-fenced provision for older people and people with disabilities, for whom housing insecurity has become a pressing issue. We want to see greater security for tenants and assertive action on the regulation of short-term lets as opposed to just waiting for the European Commission to move. At EU level, we want to see a European Union plan for affordable housing that will protect State investment in public housing, end the financialisation of housing and tackle speculation in the housing system. Housing should not be seen as a market. Too often, we all fall into the trap of calling it a market, but housing is a right. A home is a basic human right, and we should recognise that in our laws and policies. We want increased enforcement powers for the RTB and local authorities to ensure that exploitative landlords are held to account. We want a doubling of the tenant in situ scheme and increased funding and enhanced powers for local authorities to tackle vacancy and dereliction through the compulsory purchase of empty buildings. The Government does not oppose any of these calls, as it recognises that they are necessary, but why is it not doing something about them?

Housing is consistently the No. 1 concern for people in Ireland. According to last year’s spring Eurobarometer, 61% of people in Ireland named housing as one of the top two issues facing the country. The Government often suggests that it is an issue for people across Europe, but that 61% compares with an EU average of 10%. The housing situation here is really bad. This is a country that once had one of the highest rates of homeownership in the EU, but there has been an astounding drop off on that front, as the Minister of State will be well aware. It decreased by nearly 15% in 20 years. Young people and those on lower incomes are particularly affected. On average, a couple would need a combined income of €127,000 to buy a three-bedroom property in Dublin. It is no wonder that less than one third of under-40s own their own homes. Rent costs are skyrocketing, protections for renters are desperately poor and people are vulnerable to eviction and remain in fear of eviction, lacking housing security. This has significant consequences for older people especially. Yesterday, I raised the case of a man who had contacted me fearing he would die before he got a home of his own. He is in private rental accommodation in Dublin and is in desperate insecurity. He is in his 60s and retired and has no prospect of having a secure home.

When people cannot buy a home and renters have no certainty because of unaffordability and a lack of protection, they are stripped of the benefits of having a home in the ways that count, yet the Government has still not moved to change that. It may be due to a belief in a John B. Keane-style culture of land ownership and property. It may be because the Government has not taken notice of the shift away from homeownership because of unaffordability. It may be because of an ideological opposition to delivering homes. As we all know and as the Minister of State will acknowledge, the real reason is the Government is just not building enough homes. It is relying on the private sector to deliver, but that sector is simply not delivering.

What we need to see is State investment in the delivery of homes. We must see an increase in building targets to match the established need. We need ring-fenced funding for accessible homes for older people and disabled people. We need the adoption of measures to end no-fault evictions to ensure that people in rental homes have security. We need to see a Government that is not just acting as a bystander or waiting for the European Commission to move on the regulation of short-term lettings. We need to see a Government that will create real enforcement powers for the RTB to crack down on dodgy landlords like Marc Godart. Local authorities need to be funded and provided the necessary resources to tackle vacancy and dereliction, which is a scourge across communities. We need the delivery of social and affordable homes through State investment. We have seen the Land Development Agency - the “Lame Duck Agency”, as we call it - moving far too slowly to deliver the necessary levels of social and affordable homes. We need to see a Government that will put a rocket under the Land Development Agency and ensure that it can deliver the homes we so badly need.

Under the Government’s watch, housing remains unaffordable and insecure. It is seen as a commodity by the Government, not a civil right for all. We in Labour believe that a property should not be used as an investment opportunity when so many people are locked out of renting or buying a secure home for themselves. We believe that the Government’s laissez-faire approach cannot be reconciled with the social objective of ensuring that our people and all of our communities have access to secure and affordable housing. There is a political choice to be made, and this motion represents our political choice and our call on the Government to ensure that the State steps up and delivers the necessary resources and for the Government to act with urgency and ambition to tackle this serious and deepening housing disaster. Otherwise, we will see increased homelessness and evictions.

We saw shocking numbers of evictions last year. We will see more and more people like the man I spoke about earlier who fear they will die before they are ever able to access a secure home of their own.

It is worth repeating and stating at the outset that the housing crisis is but one crisis that underpins other crises we have throughout our society. As spokesperson for transport, I meet bus companies and rail companies and ask them why they do not have enough staff and why we have ghost buses in Dublin city. They will say they do not have enough staff because they cannot afford to live in the city. They cannot afford to live in Cork or Galway. When your child goes to a secondary school and is unable to do certain subjects and you ask the principal why that is, the principal will say the school cannot hire geography, German or maths teachers. They cannot hire teachers for mainstream subjects. The school I am on the board of at the moment has not even had applications for the last four openings we have had. One of the reasons is the housing crisis. When one looks at why the wards in our hospitals are struggling to retain staff and talks to trade unions representing health workers, to hospital CEOs and managers, they will say the housing crisis is one of the key causes of the failure to retain or attract staff.

All of these problems we discuss in other parts of society all come back to housing. The inability of this Government to crack the housing nut or even make progress in this area is a part of that. How do we know the Government is not making progress? The key figures that continue to go up are homelessness. We have 13,531 people in emergency accommodation in this country, including more than 4,000 children. Despite the Government's measures and plans and because of its choice last year to lift the eviction ban, against all the advice of housing agencies, us in the Labour Party and other Opposition parties, we have seen numbers go up. It is a damning indictment of the Government's approach to housing and of the housing system. Any night in emergency or homeless accommodation, as my colleague and leader, Deputy Ivana Bacik, has just said, is a disaster for a family and a child. This Minister has had 1,346 nights as Minister. The litmus test of whether a housing policy is a success or a failure is the number on the housing list, which just continues to go up and up.

We have offered proper solutions. Last year at our party conference, our leader said we needed 1 million homes over ten years. That is 500,000 retrofits and 500,000 new builds, with 50,000 a year. What happened? We were scoffed at. The Minister stood up and, playing to the Gallery when it was full of the media, said we wanted to build 1 million new houses, or 500,000 new houses in the course of ten years. What has happened since Christmas? The Minister for housing said he would revise his targets upwards. The Minister, Deputy Michael McGrath, said in response to Deputy Bacik on Leader's Questions a couple of years ago that, by 2026, the target would be 50,000 a year. We did not pluck those numbers out of the air. We got them from ESRI reports. That is what is needed. The Government has now come around to what we said last year and what other Opposition parties have been saying, that we need those targets to be at a minimum of 50,000 if we are to meet the scale of population demand. Please listen to us.

The Government is making a cynical effort to let this pass through tonight as if it is supporting it, while it will just continue to coast with its failed policy of Housing for All, or housing for some, as we call it. We are calling for a State housing construction company to be established through the LDA to increase the delivery of public homes by more than 20,000 a year. Why do we need this? We have an apprenticeship crisis and our construction sector is still on the boom-bust cycle. We still have that fear. If we have a State construction company that will continue to build no matter what the cycle or where the economy is, if we have our own direct hires and our own company under the LDA, we will be able to look after the most vulnerable in the decades to come. We need that sort of long-term planning. This Government does not have it. Housing for All and its success or otherwise is predicated purely on the private construction sector and we do not have the confidence that that is a stable sector. We know it is under-resourced and that there are not enough people working in the sector across all levels of skill sets.

Regarding the Government's own knowledgebase, it does not even know the true scale of empty homes nationwide, including homes that need to be brought into the national supply to address the housing crisis. The numbers vary depending on what source one uses. A total of 57,206 properties are vacant, according to the local property tax returns. Census estimates are much higher, at 166,752. Those figures exclude 66,135 seasonal holiday homes. This is an extraordinary number of buildings and property that are either vacant or not being lived in full-time, which this State should be doing more to bring into stock to help the homeless and those who are looking for a stable, long-term, secure home.

The Labour Party would take radical action to tackle vacancy and dereliction. It would introduce a minimum vacant home tax and increase funding for councils to have compulsory purchase orders for vacant and derelict properties. As our motion states, we would also look to expand the tenant in situ scheme, which, quite frankly, has been an absolute disaster for lack of resources. We have landlords willing to sell. We have tenants willing to stay, and we have a Government that has put money towards it but we are not getting enough tenant in situ homes through the system. That is down to lack of resources because we have housing officials who have to do too much. They have to do allocations, estate management and now they are having to deal with private sales on the market. It is totally under-resourced and the Government needs to scale that up.

We need to ensure we are building enough homes for people with disabilities. We are not doing that. There are no targets in Housing for All for wheelchair liveable homes or homes for people with disabilities. They are always add-ons or extras. Local authorities are going directly to developers as part of the Part V process and asking if they can build two or three homes that are wheelchair accessible. We need targets from the top down. The disability capacity review that the Government commissioned and published three years ago states the need for proper housing for people with disabilities. It is not being delivered anywhere near scale. This Government is failing those people yet again.

My colleague Deputy Bacik has spoken about the rental crisis in this country and the eye-watering figures that people are paying for rent. They are unaffordable for many people. If we generously take the average salary in Ireland, which is said to be about €45,000 a year, and subtract the rent for Dublin, that leaves you with €25,000, with just under half your salary going to rent. That is if you are even able to find a property in Dublin or any of our major cities.

The Government's absolute failure of policy in lifting the no-fault eviction ban almost one year ago has been a catastrophe for those in the rental sector. It has added instability and increased homeless figures. It has done nothing but bring hardship to the most vulnerable in our society. The Labour Party proposed just two years ago in our Bill on renters' rights that there are a number of things we can do right across the rental sector. The Minister said it is a constructive Bill and there are many good things in it but it has done nothing to implement it.

I will finish on this. My colleagues will speak to other areas of our motion. Despite all the figures we have, many people in the country are not captured by the homeless figures. There are people who have fallen between the gaps. My colleagues and I deal with them at our clinics every week. We are trying to get them involved in services. It can be difficult and there can be complex needs. The reason it is difficult to get them involved in services and to get them housing is that the services and housing supply that should be on stream are just not there. It is so disheartening. It is a real indictment of this Government and a real stain on a wealthy, modern country in Europe that we have a housing crisis of this scale. I ask that this Government not only support this motion but actually enact its provisions.

I am happy to step in for the Minister, Deputy Darragh O’Brien, to discuss the Labour Party motion on housing targets and regulation. The Government is not opposing the motion. Work is already under way under the Government’s Housing for All plan on a number of proposals set out in the motion. I welcome the opportunity to update the House on the progress made to date and the ongoing work that will address some of the issues.

To start, the motion proposes that the housing targets set out in Housing for All are too low. The plan currently sets out an annual target of overall housing delivery to 2030, which clearly show a building up of targets towards 40,000 homes per year. It is important to note that Housing for All targets are based on independent peer-reviewed research by the ESRI and any suggested alternative targets are not underpinned by such a robust evidence base and should be viewed accordingly. It was, however, always intended that these targets would be kept under review and this work has already started. The targets are currently under review and updated targets will be published later on in the year.

Looking back, 2019 was the last full year of housing delivery before the pandemic, and Housing for All was yet to be published. That year, just over 21,000 new homes were delivered following the delivery of almost 18,000 in the pervious year of 2018. Naturally, after the fall-off in completion seen in the preceding years, we knew the industry would take time to recover and expand to the levels required to deliver the homes we need. Although things were picking up speed, Covid-19 also impacted the sector and construction completely stopped for several months. The entire industry and housing ecosystem was disrupted on and off for almost two years.

The year 2022 represented the first full year of delivery since 2019. As much as we would like to have jumped straight in to building 40,000 houses per year, this was just not possible. Targets needed to be set in a way that would afford the sector the time it would need to recover and the capacity to delivery the ambition set out in Housing for All, and this was done. Increasing targets were set to build up delivery towards 2030. Of course, the overall targets themselves are based on published independent research by the ESRI and, as already stated, are the only ones that are supported by peer review and an evidence base. Any revision to the target set out in Housing for All will be subject to the same stringent reviews. Despite that acknowledgement, the recovery will take time.

A resilient industry, coupled with many measures the Government has taken and continues to take through Housing for All, delivered almost 30,000 houses in 2022 and nearly 33,000 houses last year. This surpassed our targets by 5,000 and by almost 4,000, respectively. We believe the delivery of this level of extra housing should be a cause for celebration rather than condemnation. While we are not stopping, positive trends are indicating that we will meet or exceed overall targets again this year. The pipeline is strong, with 32,800 new homes commencing construction in 2023 and permission granted for more than 37,600.

On a point of order, could we get a copy of the Minister of State's speech? He is rattling through it and it would be great if we could a copy of the speech.

Yes.

EUROCONSTRUCT, an independent construction market forecasting network, has forecasted that Ireland will grow construction output at the strongest rate among the 19 European countries – a very positive outlook for the future.

With regard to the rental market, we know that challenges remain for both tenants and landlords. That is why we have commenced a comprehensive review of the private rental sector. This review, which is the first in a decade, has taken into account the significant recent regulatory and legislative changes in the sector. There was extensive public consultation as part of that process. The review is nearing completion and we will report on how our rental market can be made more efficient and affordable and how we can make it work for all. It will take a longer term view of the issue and put forward solutions to problems that have been festering for many years. This review is on top of what we have already introduced in the rental market, including extending rent pressure zones, containing rent increases and introducing tenancies of unlimited duration. Before this Government took office, annual rent raises of 4% were permitted. In 2021, we both extended the RPZs until the end of 2024 and banned any increase in an RPZ from exceeding general inflation, or 2% if inflation was running higher than that. We also enacted legislation in 2022 that introduced tenancies of unlimited duration for the first time. This meant that all tenancies created on or after 11 June 2022 will become tenancies of unlimited duration after six consecutive months if a valid notification of termination has not yet been served.

We have also provided additional functions and resources to the Residential Tenancies Board so that it can investigate improper conduct by landlords and administer sanctions if required. As a result of the investigations conducted by the RTB to date, 160 sanctions imposed on landlords for improper conduct have been published on the RTB’s investigation activities since 2019. Some 80% of published sanctions for improper conduct are for breaches of rent pressure zone limits on rents. The RTB continues to investigate and impose sanctions where appropriate. The Government will ensure the RTB has the resources it needs to govern the market properly.

The motion also refers to short-term lets and the efforts that have been made by the Government to better regulate this sector. On behalf of the Minister, Deputy O’Brien, I reiterate that the proposed short-term tourist letting Bill is a priority for the Government, and preparations for the establishment of the register began in 2021. There has been extensive and ongoing engagement with the European Commission on the Bill by officials from the Department of Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media. This engagement is aimed at ensuring alignment between Ireland’s approach within the Bill and those under EU law. It is expected that the technical regulations information system notification process will finish shortly and will enable the publication of the Bill. I also wish to highlight the fact that legislation was enacted in 2019 to curb short-term lets in our urban areas where long-term rental supply was needed most. The Government continues to engage with the European Commission to progress the Bill to set up the proposed register which will help the Government to have effective oversight over this growing sector.

As we have advanced this as a matter of priority with our European colleagues, work has been undertaken by our local authorities to enforce the existing planning regulations. They have dedicated considerable time and effort into clamping down on illegal short-term lets. Everybody on this side of the House is just as eager as those on the Opposition benches for the current law to be followed. Once the Bill is enacted and the register is in place, we will be in a far better place to address the issue further.

We recognise that this Labour Party motion is brought in good faith and we know that everybody wants sustainable and affordable housing for all. We want to solve the challenges in the rental market for good. As evidenced by our persistent commitment to the impending introduction of the register, it is clear we take the issue of the short-term lets seriously. We are determined as a Government to resolve the issue.

Improving capacity in the rental market has always been a priority and many of the measures we have introduced, coupled with the review of the sector, which will be completed shortly, will make the difference that is needed. We know that to solve the challenges we face in the housing sector, you need to have a comprehensive, realistic plan supported by the funding required to deliver it. We have Housing for All and a whole-of-government approach supported by an unparalleled level of funding. The Government is providing €5.1 billion in capital investment in housing from 2024 - the highest level of funding for housing in the history of the State - to accelerate the delivery of the new homes and increase the supply that is necessary to not only reduce homeless but also moderate house prices and rental prices.

The most important aspect of Housing for All it that it is delivering. It is delivering more homes than we have had in 15 years, which we did in 2023. It is delivering cost-rental homes for the first time in Ireland and the first affordable purchase homes in a generation. It is delivering sweeping reforms and changes to our housing system, which means we can end the scourge of homelessness, improve our planning and rental systems and provide well and affordable housing for all.

Again, on behalf of the Minister, Deputy O’Brien, I thank the House for this opportunity.

With respect to the Minister of State, all we got from him this morning was a melange of disconnected words. That is what it was. Frankly, his disinterested tone is only equalled by this Government’s disinterested position on the delivery of housing for the hundreds of thousands in this country who need it and who need a change of approach and change of policy from this Government.

The ESRI will put it well this evening when its officials address the budgetary oversight committee. What they will say - it is reported in The Irish Times today – will represent an absolutely damning and shameful indictment of this Government’s performance on housing. The Minister of State referenced 2022 as the first full year in the context of the pandemic since this Government took office where the Government was able to deliver on its housing proposition in full. The ESRI will say later on this evening that that year put Ireland in the relegation zone in the European Union with regard to investment in housing, down at the bottom of the table with Poland, Greece and Bosnia and Herzegovina. That is no place to be. The ESRI will say that because of this Government’s poor performance on housing delivery, rents and house prices will continue to spiral upwards. Yes, housing supply is going up. However, that depends on how it is measured and how success is measured.

Supply remains insufficient, and the Minister of State knows that only too well. Shamefully, this Government appears to have been blindsided by the kind of population growth we all anticipated a number of years ago. That is to the Government's shame and utter embarrassment, if indeed the Government can be shamed and embarrassed about its housing policy and its failure to deliver.

It has been said time and again in this House that the social contract has been broken. This is the idea that if a person studies or works hard, they will be able to afford a home. That idea of the social contract has not been broken, it has been completely torn asunder. Working people can no longer afford a home. This is not just a problem; it is, as our President has said, a disaster. We have to make housing affordable. The Government Housing for All policy or housing for some policy, as we describe it, has been a miserable failure in this regard. The Minister of State should not just take our word for it. The housing industry itself is beginning to wake up to the damage it is doing to our society and economy. The industry was recently lambasted by one of its own, the boss of Cairn Homes. He said that the lack of affordable housing was destroying the economy and driving a kind of housing-induced brain drain, forcing our brightest and best out of the country in search of a home. He noted that home ownership rates among 25- to 39-year-olds, once considered a prime home-owning age group, had dwindled to just 7%. To put that in context, it was 22% in 2011. As my colleagues stated earlier, the Labour Party's assessment is that we require 50,000 new builds over the next ten years, far exceeding the Government's anaemic and lacklustre goal of 30,000. When we articulated our assessment at the time, it was utterly sneered at by the Government. It said there was only one show in town, Housing for All, and it still stands by that policy, even though it is failing abysmally to deliver.

The Government has an utter obsession with property and land ownership. This is in the very DNA of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil and leads to the financialisation of our housing system. I will give one example of how ineffective the Government's planned approach is to freeing up serviced residential zoned land. The current planned zoned land tax is pitifully low. It could be increased to disincentivise developers and landowners from sitting on land. It was announced in the budget last year, but then what did the Government do? It reviewed it and bent the knee again to property developers and farmers who have already seen their land zoned and have benefited financially from it. They are now enabled by this Government to continue to wait and see the price of their land rise in value before the Government actually decides to implement the policy it announced last year. This is one example of how the Government is failing.

It is time that the workers who created the economy which the Government likes to boast about all the time got a realistic chance to own their own homes. The plan the Government has is not the plan that is going deliver.

I want to address three issues in the time afforded to me. First is the inspections regime of local authorities for private rented accommodation. I recently tabled a parliamentary question in which I asked how many inspections were carried out across all of the local authorities. The latest figures from Cork County Council, for example, show that from quarter 1 to quarter 3 of 2023, there were 1,447 inspections, from which 1,273 total improvement letters were issued. In comparison, in Dublin City Council, there were 5,449 inspections and 2,365 improvement letters issued. For me, the key is that, for people in private rented accommodation and where the landlord is the beneficiary of a State subsidy towards the cost of the rent, the standard of the accommodation needs to be improved. There is an onus on Government, as part of that review, to ensure tenants have proper rights regarding the standard of the accommodation they are living in. The evidence is there to show that the standard of accommodation, in some instances, is very poor and needs further improvement.

The second point relates to the number of vacancies throughout the country. Again, I will speak about my own county of Cork. Arising from the most recent census and some work the Simon Community has done, I note there are 17,000 vacant properties in Cork city and county alone. If that is not a scandal, I do not know what is. Why is it that we as a country and State cannot invest more energy to ensure that, if there are 17,000 vacant properties in a city and county, we can put people into those? It is beyond belief that, in 2024, there are 17,000 vacant properties in one county. We could all do a tour de table of our own native counties and I am sure the figures would be commensurate with the figures I am talking about here. If energy can be invested in that, we will go a long way.

The third issue is Irish Water. We cannot talk about a Housing for All policy if the very people who want to build houses spend an inordinate amount of their time toing and froing with Irish Water on capacity issues and constraints, particularly in wastewater treatment. Throughout the country, we as public representatives spend massive amounts of time mediating between people want to build houses and Irish Water on the issue of capacity. Unless Irish Water is adequately funded to build out capacity, especially on wastewater, the Minister is on a hiding to nothing with his house building targets. That is the sad reality. Until Irish Water can start funding the building out of capacity with more wastewater treatment plants, forget about building houses. I speak to very good, decent construction company representatives who tell me they are tearing their hair out because they cannot build houses in line with these targets because they spend too much time toing and froing with Irish Water. Fund Irish Water properly, build out the capacity, and then we will get the houses.

The next slot is Sinn Féin. Deputy Gould has six minutes, Deputy Mac Lochlainn four minutes, Deputy O'Reilly two minutes, Deputy Mairéad Farrell two minutes, Deputy Andrews two minutes, Deputy Martin Browne two minutes, and Deputy Ó Murchú two minutes. I want them to keep to their time.

In the middle of all the statistics, targets and missed targets of this housing crisis, it is very easy to forget about real people and the real trauma they are experiencing. Just this morning, two people contacted my office. One was a mother with a four-year-old child who is couch surfing in her family's home because she cannot find anywhere to rent. She is on the social housing list. She said it is very hard because every day her daughter is coming to her looking for playdates and sleepovers. How can she provide these things when she is sleeping either in the box bedroom or on the couch? This woman has tried everything to find a home.

Another family who contacted me is composed of three generations with seven people living in a three-bedroom house. An 11-year-old daughter is forced to share a bed with her mother. How is that fair on them? These are not the most extreme cases I have had. These are just what we got today. Minister of State, these are a direct result of your and your Government's failings. This lady is homeless under your watch. This lady cannot find a rental property under your watch. This housing crisis is under your watch.

Yesterday, I was at a meeting of the housing committee, where we listened to ALONE, the Cork Simon Community, Cork City Council, the Dublin Region Homeless Executive and one-parent families. All of them spoke of the trauma that children are going through. Some 4,000 children are homeless today in this State yet the Minister of State had the audacity to ask earlier why we are not celebrating the targets the Government has achieved. Has he completely lost touch with reality? Celebrate?

Last night, I did the "Late Debate" on RTÉ and I stopped off for something to eat. I met a couple, Gemma and Ross, who are sleeping rough on Grafton Street. This is under the Government's watch. They are a couple in their 30s. She did not want to go into some of the accommodation because she is in recovery and she does not want to put her recovery at risk. This issue also came up yesterday at the meeting of the housing committee. The Government is doing nothing for people who are trying to stay in recovery and out of addiction. They are sleeping on cardboard in sleeping bags in the capital of our city and the Minister of State is talking about celebrating what the Government has done. Celebrate? You should be ashamed of your life coming in here today.

I will raise a few points because the Minister of State is obviously not living in the real world. In my own city of Cork, the Cork city housing action plan identified the need for 1,737 affordable houses. Does the Minister of State know what the Government’s target was under the Minister? It was 378, which is 1,400 houses fewer. Where are those families supposed to go? The same action plan stated that 14,266 social houses are needed in Cork. The Government’s target was 3,934. That is 10,000 houses short, and the Minister of State wants us to come in here and celebrate this Government and its achievements. The sooner you are out the door, the better for everyone, and the sooner we can get a housing plan in place.

Right now, right across this State, there are thousands of council houses that have been boarded up or left idle because the Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, has not given the local authorities the funds to get these out. That is on top of the more than 160,000 vacant properties in every town, village and city in this State.

I spoke to a social worker in Cork who said that the number one reason for trauma in our city at the moment is the housing and homeless crisis that is happening under the Government's watch. The Minister of State came in here earlier and listed what the Government has done and the great work it is doing. I swear to God, has the Minister of State any idea of what is happening outside Leinster House? I will walk the streets of Dublin with the Minister of State on any day of the week and I will show him the homelessness and housing crisis. I will also show him all the buildings that have been left empty while the Government does nothing about it. The Government has failed people. We have the worst housing and homeless crisis in the history of the State.

I will leave the Minister of State with this one question: how many children must become homeless before the Government finally puts up its hands and admits that it is wrong and that it has failed? I asked the Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, this question a couple of months ago and I did not get an answer. I am asking the Minister of State now. Can he give me a figure today? How many children must become homeless before the Government admits that it is wrong?

Obviously, neither the Minister for housing nor the Ministers of State in that Department are present today, but the Minister of State, Deputy Patrick O'Donovan, is from Fine Gael and his party has been in government for 13 years now. I want to tell him what that has meant for the people of Donegal. In 2002, 560 social houses were either built or acquired in just one year. That was in 2002 in Donegal. Between 2010 and 2021 - and Fine Gael was in government for nearly all of those years - there were fewer than 560 over that ten-year period. What happened? All those families were pushed into the private rental sector. Rather than having a permanent home, they were pushed into the private rental sector. This has driven up rents and created a housing crisis in Donegal.

Recently, it was revealed by the Society of Chartered Surveyors in Ireland, SCSI, that for a family, couple or person in Donegal to be able to afford a new three-bedroom, semi-detached house - just a basic family home - they would have to earn a combined figure of €87,000. The Minister of State is familiar with Donegal, so he must know there are not many couples in Donegal who earn the €87,000 that is needed to afford a basic home.

If you earn more than €30,000 in Donegal, you cannot get on the social housing list. There is a profound crisis and I have said it again and again. We have appealed for a plan from the Government to build affordable housing in Donegal for families who are being priced out, as well as for families who are considering leaving Donegal to go to Australia and other places around the world. I have learned in recent days that, once again, the Department of housing and the Government have refused to agree on a plan for affordable housing in Donegal because, incredibly, we have been told we do not fit the criteria. All you have to do is speak with estate agents in Donegal and look at what it costs to buy a new home and you will see what an average family earns in the county. For Christ's sake, this is not rocket science, but this is what we are dealing with. We do not fit the criteria. Now, would you believe, a survey is being undertaken asking people if they are interested in taking up affordable housing in the county, rather than just going and building it on publicly owned land.

Our party has laid out the plans again and again to build affordable housing on publicly owned land, relative to what people earn. I am laying out for the Minister of State the absolute disaster for my county. I am hearing it all the time. Why are so many of our young people emigrating to places like Australia, America, Dubai, Britain and across Europe? It is because they cannot afford the rents due to the Government's disastrous housing policy that is driving up rents. Rents have doubled in Donegal in recent times. They cannot build up the savings and they certainly cannot cannot afford to pay more than €300,000 or €350,000 for a basic home in the county. This crisis we watch from Donegal started in the cities. It started in Dublin and worked its way to Cork and Galway. Yet now, in every part of this State, there is a situation where young families are told that if they work hard, there is a social contract so they will be able to put a roof over their heads, but they cannot afford to do it. This is a societal disaster. It is unacceptable to tell counties like Donegal and many others that they do not fit the criteria for affordable housing. This is why the targets are not only far too low, but many counties cannot even get on that list. The Minister of State needs to listen. He needs to wake up and smell the coffee.

Speaker after speaker will tell the Minister of State that the Government is out of touch and, clearly, it is. I will give an example from my own area, because I think the Minister of State's knowledge of the facts is slightly less than ideal. I have two offices: one in Balbriggan and one in Swords. I am the only Deputy in my constituency who offers that, so naturally I get a lot more traffic through my office than most.

I will give two examples to the Minister of State. There is a young couple who I know fairly well, and I know the people who lived in their house before them. Their rent went up by 15%. I went to them and said they could take a case to the RTB, because it is fairly clear-cut. We had the rent book from the previous tenants, so it was very obvious that the RPZ limits were breached. They were terrified. They are a young couple with two kids and they were absolutely petrified. This is a fairly clear-cut case, but they would not take it. Do you know why not? It was because this is a landlord's market. It is a landlord's market that has been facilitated by a landlord's Government. This couple does not have a hope of earning €127,000 between them so that they might be able to buy one of the Government’s unaffordable homes.

Likewise, a young mother with two kids has been in emergency accommodation before. She got her notice to quit. She came to my office, looked me dead in the eye and said: “Louise, as God is my witness, if I have to go back into emergency accommodation, I will take my children, I will leave them with my mother, I will go back to the house and I will burn it to the ground with me in it”.

That is how terrified she is of your emergency accommodation. Even what you have there to support people is not working. By any measure, homelessness is up. House prices are out of control. Rents are spiralling out of control. Your targets are pathetic. Your plan is not working. It is time for change. If this Government is not prepared to facilitate young people who need a secure place to live, it should get out of the way and make way for a Government that will.

I want to raise the issue of student accommodation and regulation, or rather the lack thereof. In terms of vulture fund-owned student accommodation, I have identified about 45 of these complexes across the State. According to the RTB's latest register, only seven of them were registered with it. We know that around half of these complexes now have some form of a 51-week lease requirement, despite the fact that students do not attend college for 51 weeks of the year. I was recently told by the Taoiseach that the Ministers, Deputies Darragh O'Brien and Simon Harris, are looking into legislative changes to address this. That seems like a case of closing the barn door after the horse has bolted. In Galway, where I am from, Hubble student accommodation at Cúirt na Coiribe are raising their prices by almost 30%. Hubble is owned by the Exeter property group, which in turn is now owned by the Swedish private equity group EQT. So many of these complexes have availed of generous planning concessions, particularly under the now defunct strategic housing development measures. With these types of complexes there is little to no tax being paid as they are able to avail of a whole host of tax concessions, for instance through the ICAV structure. When is the Government going to get real about the approach to student housing delivery? Students do not want accommodation that has bowling alleys, cinemas, 24-hour gyms and rooftop terraces. What they need is affordable student accommodation. They need student accommodation that is not linked to mad tax concessions and mad-sounding acronyms. What they need is affordability. The Tánaiste and his colleagues like to say that this is a complex issue but - newsflash - they are the ones who have made it complicated. Students want simple, affordable student accommodation and it is time for the Government to deliver that.

The glass bottle site is a big site. Residents in Ringsend and Irishtown had big hopes that affordable and social housing would be delivered on that site, which would relieve the huge pressure residents are currently living under, and the overcrowded conditions, and would give people an opportunity to buy an affordable home in the community with the supports they require and deserve. That site was a big site with big hopes but it is all turned to fear now. There is genuine fear that there is not going to be any affordability on that site. There is concern that the cost price coming in of €625,000 is not going be made affordable by the Government. It will exclude the local community. Big corporate entities will be able to send their management in there. There is also concern that because of the cost of the units to be built on that site, the council will not be able to afford it and therefore the social housing element will be delivered off site, outside the community the glass bottle site is in. There is another issue in respect of the oversight committee. It is set down in the SDZ that there would be an oversight committee but it has not been delivered. Residents should have a right to comment, to ensure there is compliance with planning and to raise issues around disruption to housing. There is a serious concern for the safety of people's houses nearby in Ringsend, the new houses. There is a genuine concern that the vibrations are having a serious impact on the structure of their homes. This needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency.

Yesterday the Taoiseach indicated that the Government would not be opposing this motion but I take it that is just for appearance. Many of the ambitions in the motion are in stark contrast to the view of the value of a home beyond that of a commodity. The motion calls for an EU plan that will end the financialisation of housing and tackle speculation in the housing system. This is clearly an obscure notion to those in government, given their stated preference for increasing housing costs and their opposition to the notion of a reduction in property prices. Furthermore, the notion of affordable housing is foreign to them. In County Tipperary, precisely zero affordable houses have been delivered since 2020. I remind the House that the social housing delivery figures for the third quarter of 2023 indicated that as many as 151 housing units in Tipperary had been stalled to one extent or another while in the planning process. Delayed houses are houses people cannot live in. To try to spin it any other way, or give the impression that housing policy has a clean bill of health, is disingenuous.

I will move on to the issue of renters' security, limiting the grounds for eviction and ending no-fault evictions. The Government's record here is pitiful. Recently it resisted any efforts to temporarily ban no-fault evictions. That is why there are families in my constituency who are in fear of having to apply for emergency accommodation. Even that is uncertain, given the demand on the council. That is due to this Government's failure to address no-fault evictions and its persistent failure to address the dysfunctional housing and rental markets. People cannot be housed on spin and distorted presentation of figures, or on even more false promises from this Government.

I have just come from the Carrickdale hotel, where a very successful cross-Border conference is ongoing. It was organised by Newry and Dundalk chambers of commerce and is backed by the local authorities on either side of the Border. The Minister, Conor Murphy MLA, and the Minister of State, Deputy Neale Richmond, are speaking at it and it is all very positive. We all know the positives that exist in the M1 Border corridor but the problem is that in the southern part of it, where I live, we are constantly hearing not only from Focus Ireland and Threshold but also from IDA Ireland and Enterprise Ireland that housing and the accommodation crisis are impacting detrimentally on business and the future of business. The impact on families and individuals is huge but the situation is also impacting on the economy, which is the big sell that the Government talks about. Until this is addressed, we are facing into stark disaster for many families but for the entire economy also. We can all get up here and say that the Government has abysmal targets and has absolutely failed to hit them, whether we are talking about council, affordable or cost-rental housing. When we are talking about affordable, we are not really talking about affordable. In places that were previously affordable, where people could qualify under the criteria and it worked out, that is not the case at the minute. There are particular issues in Louth County Council with a very small number of affordable and possibly affordable schemes that are to come into play. None of this is happening in any way, shape or form.

I have limited time so I will deal with many of the issues we need to deal with. I have already been on to the Minister and spoken to Louth County Council about the fact that we need the defective concrete block scheme opened for County Louth. There are a number of cases that need to be dealt with, involving people in really bad circumstances. I hope there will be no issues from the ministerial side. I am dealing with many issues in respect of adaptation grants and the fact that we do not have a scheme that is fit to deliver for those with disabilities. I know the review is ongoing but really need to get to grips with it. Beyond that----

----estate management is an area where we are failing communities. We need the interventions for families and individuals with complex needs, but we are allowing communities to be detrimentally impacted by those who are chaotic. We need further supports and the council needs those supports.

I thank everybody else for their co-operation on keeping to time. Deputy Cian O'Callaghan is next and has eight minutes.

I thank the Labour Party for tabling this motion. There are a number of elements to it and I will discuss some of them. We all know the housing targets are insufficient. The Government has asked the ESRI to do a piece of work on projecting housing need. The Government is going to base its targets on that. I have just come from a meeting of the housing committee on the planning Bill. We were discussing this ESRI report and how the whole issue of pent-up demand is not included in the terms of reference given to it by the Government.

The figure the ESRI comes up with will not look at well over ten years of pent-up demand for housing, which is a serious omission that the Government should immediately correct.

It is important to say that no one disputes that we need 50,000 new-build homes per year. There is no question about that need, but there is also no question that those 50,000 new-build homes will not be delivered entirely by the private market. It is simply not possible. That is not due to capacity constraints, which exist and which need to be addressed, but because of the prices of new-build homes being delivered by the private market. Simply, there are not 50,000 households that will be able to afford them. If building more affordable homes is not a key part of providing the 50,000 homes that are needed, it will not happen. The Government's delivery of this has been incredibly poor. In 2022, for example, 4,100 homes were promised and in that time only 323 affordable purchase homes were delivered by the Government. In the previous year, there were no affordable purchase homes, incidentally. Last year, 5,500 affordable homes were promised by the Government. We do not have the figures for the whole year - the Government has not released them yet - but in the first three quarters or nine months of the year, only 159 affordable purchase homes were delivered by the Government.

As I said, the number of homes is important, as is the type of homes, including affordable homes, but this is not only about numbers. It is also about amenities, facilities and the infrastructure delivered with new housing. On Saturday, I spoke to people in one of the newer areas of my constituency. A lot of new housing has been built and there is massive frustration there that more and more housing is going in, yet they do not have the community facilities and amenities to go with it. There is huge frustration about that.

It is not only about the quantity of homes. The design and the use of low-carbon materials are also important. It is disappointing that to date the Government has not set out a measuring process for the whole-life-of-carbon impact on building materials and that it has not put carbon limits on the construction of new homes to ensure low-carbon materials are used.

Before I say a little about what needs to be done to ensure more affordable housing is delivered, in the context of the motion and the issue of the eviction ban I will address a few bits of Government spin we often hear about homelessness. We hear from the Government that the last eviction ban did not work because there was an increase in the number of people who became homeless over the lifetime of that ban. What it does not tell us is that there was a substantial decrease in the number of children who became homeless when the winter eviction ban was in place, so it was an effective measure. During the discourse around who is becoming homeless, the Government does not tell us that when we look at the figures, we see that the vast bulk of people who become homeless from the private rented sector become homeless because they receive no-fault eviction notices. We can look at new presentations into homelessness in Dublin, for example. According to the most recent report, which is for the last quarter of 2023, 85 people who were evicted into homelessness from the private rented sector received no-fault eviction notices. In comparison, there were only ten evictions into homelessness for reasons to do with rent arrears. By contrast, in most other European countries the entire conversation is about how to reduce the number of people in rent arrears who become homeless and how to intervene in those situations to support the renter and the landlord to try to sustain those tenancies. We evicted 85 people with no fault at all into homelessness. They were paying their rent and were completely compliant with their rental agreements.

The Government is keen to tell us that relationship breakdown is the biggest contributor to people becoming homeless. This is part of its deflection strategy, which tries to make out that homelessness has nothing to do with the Government's disastrous handling of the housing situation. It is trying to pin it on the breakdown of people's relationships. If we look at the figures published by the Government on this, we will see that what the Government does not tell us about relationship breakdown is that the most common type of relationship breakdown leading to homelessness is the breakdown of relationships with parents. Much of that has been caused by severe overcrowding, and by the absolute stress of families living out of box rooms and multiple generations living in one small home. Families do their best to support one another in those situations, but after months and years of overcrowding, the ensuing stress can lead to relationship breakdown. This extreme housing situation is leading to people becoming homeless. When the Government talks about relationship breakdown, it should be honest with the public about the type of relationship breakdown it is talking about and what is causing it.

The Government needs to be upfront about the rough sleeper count. There is a considerable gap between the official figures published in the rough sleeper count and the actual number of people the outreach team is in contact with. For example, the number of people sleeping rough, according to the last official count in November 2023, was 118. However, the number of people recorded as rough sleepers who are engaged in contact with the outreach team is 564. There is a huge gap between the actual number of people the outreach team is meeting and the official number presented. Of that 564, 356 use emergency accommodation from time to time. That still leaves well over 200 individuals the outreach team is meeting, about half of whom do not make it into the official figures the Government presents.

The Government often tells us about the number of exits from homelessness. What it does not tell us is that 43% of those exits in Dublin, where unfortunately we have most homelessness, are not into stable housing. More than 43% of those exits involve people moving back in with family and friends into box rooms, sleeping on floors and couches, or going into hospitals and other medical facilities because their situation deteriorated in homelessness. We need the Government to be upfront when giving these figures and not spin them.

Deputies Boyd Barrett and Paul Murphy of People Before Profit-Solidarity will share time with four minutes each.

It will be about three minutes and five minutes.

I thank the Labour Party for bringing forward this motion. We agree with a lot of what is in the motion, including better security for tenants, compulsory purchase of vacant and derelict buildings by local authorities, and bigger housing targets. The only thing is that it is a shame the Labour Party did not do any of that when it was in office. Deputy Kelly was Minister for housing from July 2014 to May 2016 and during those three calendar years, fewer than 500 social homes were built by local authorities in the entire State. The Labour Party sowed the seeds of the housing disaster when it was last in government, so why should anyone believe it will be any different if it manages to get back in again? All the good proposals in this motion are probably "what you do during an election" as Pat Rabbitte famously admitted. We all know that elections are around the corner.

We in People Before Profit have been campaigning for many of the measures in this motion for many years. We introduced Private Members' motions last year calling on the Government to extend, widen and then reintroduce a total ban on economic evictions. We have been fighting for real rent controls to limit rent to a maximum of 25% of a household's income, for councils to buy all suitable properties where a tenant is being evicted on grounds of sale and for the compulsory purchase of vacant and derelict housing to be used as social housing. Unfortunately, none of the protests we have organised have been successful up to this point. The housing crisis has become worse and worse every year this coalition of the uncaring has been in office. Why is this happening? Why, at a time of massive Government surpluses, full employment and economic growth, has the Government not been able to meet the most basic human need of a roof over people's heads?

Housing policy in this State does not serve the interests of ordinary people, such as workers, families, renters and people looking to buy their first homes. It has nothing to do with looking after communities or providing security for children. Instead, it is not really a crisis, but a permanent part of how capitalism works. It enriches landlords and landowners off the backs of renters and workers. It lines the already bulging pockets of builders, developers, banks and vulture funds.

One third of Fianna Fáil TDs are landlords, as are 27% of Fine Gael TDs. That obvious conflict of interest has not stopped them from voting to lift the eviction ban or from participating in a Government that has relentlessly driven up rents and housing prices. We will have crocodile tears from them, as we had from the Labour Party, but we should judge them by their actions, not their words. We need to kick the lot of them out at the next election. We need a real left Government that will take on the landlords, banks and developers, apply compulsory purchase orders to vacant property and land, including the vast amount of empty office space left behind after yet another commercial property crash, set up a State construction company to directly build the social and affordable housing we need and put the right to a home before the right of all these people and corporations to profit.

In order to solve the absolutely disastrous housing situation we are in and the human misery that is wrecking the lives of the 13,500 people who are homeless and the hundreds of thousands of young people and working people who are absolutely locked out of the possibility of ever owning their own home and who, increasingly, are leaving the country because of that or because they cannot even find a rental property, we need to understand how we got to this situation. The simple answer is that people who want to make money from housing dominate the Irish housing market. This led to the madness of the Celtic tiger, the crash that followed and the disastrous decision of the Fine Gael-Labour Party Government to stop building council housing and to flog €40 billion worth of assets to investment funds that are now charging unaffordable house prices and unaffordable rents.

The biggest residential development in the country is in Cherrywood in my area. Two-bedroom homes there cost €485,000, three-bedroom units are €650,000 and a four-bedroom home costs €830,000. These prices are ten, 11 and 12 times the average income of ordinary workers. It was brought to my attention that at 4.20 p.m one day this week, a one-bedroom rental property was advertised for €2,150. At 5.20 p.m., one hour later, the advertisement was taken down before being put back up again, with the price for the same property having gone up by €500. The people renting out the property knew the demand was such that they could charge what they liked. If the cost of housing and rent is dictated by people who are trying to make a profit, we cannot solve the housing crisis. Surely we should know that after the past 20 years of utter disaster.

In short, the State must intervene. We have to break the link between the market and those who make profits. The State must provide affordable purchase housing and affordable rental. In other words, housing must be subsidised. A number of actions need to be taken on that front. We need rent controls that set rents at affordable levels. This is done elsewhere in Europe but we refuse to do it here. The consequence is rents that are simply off the Richter scale.

The State must build housing itself and it needs the capacity to do so. Even the people profiteering from the housing crisis are now saying this. I have mentioned the people at Goodbody Stockbrokers saying it a week or two ago. The latest, very ironic, news is that Michael Stanley of Cairn Homes, whose company made €667 million in revenue from these unaffordable houses, is now saying we are destroying our economy because of the housing shortage and the unaffordability of housing. This is the guy who is profiteering from the market. He is saying his company simply cannot provide affordable housing.

The State must have its own construction capacity. The Taoiseach said to me the other day that we have the LDA. However, the latter does not have its own construction company. It is sourcing construction from private developers. In Shanganagh, where we fought against Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to get 100% social and affordable housing, we still do not know how much that affordable housing will cost. It is being benchmarked against market prices that are at the levels I just described. Even if there is a 25% discount on these absolutely astronomical house prices, the homes will be totally unaffordable.

This is the madness of relying on the private sector. We need a State construction company to build houses. We need rent controls. We need a permanent ban on no-fault evictions, not just a pause as an emergency measure. We need to dramatically ramp up the amount of social and affordable housing we deliver. In the short term, we should not be buying 10% or even 20% of new developments for social and affordable housing. We should be buying at least 50% until we ramp up construction levels to such a degree that the State can fill the gap left by market failure.

I thank the Labour Party for bringing forward the motion. I welcome the opportunity to speak on it. Housing has become the single biggest issue not just in Dublin and other cities but right across the country. It is an issue in every rural constituency, including my own in Galway East, where we do not have enough houses being built.

I will focus first on social housing. I accept there has been a huge turnabout in terms of local authorities building social houses. It is a welcome move that this is happening again. It is good to see the local authorities are back in a place where they are building good-quality housing estates. I acknowledge that. They are increasing the supply of social housing stock. However, we could be sleepwalking into a huge issue in this regard. The housing stock is increasing but the local authorities are not in a position to manage that stock. These properties, which are assets of the State, need to be managed properly. We must ensure the local authorities are adequately resourced to keep estates up to standard, with external painting, green areas and so on dealt with on an annual basis. We need estates that people are proud to live in, where standards are kept high and do not drop. I have seen too many cases over the years where housing estates were built and, within two years, some houses were boarded up. This shows a total disrespect for taxpayers' money. It must stop and the only way to stop it is by having proper, effective and strict management of estates.

Galway County Council relies on housing liaison officers to do all this work. Twenty years ago, they would have been able to manage some of it. Now, with all the paperwork they have to do, they seldom leave the office and seldom visit an estate. If there is an issue between two neighbours on an estate, it is not dealt with and next we see glass broken in a window or something else happening. Then there is the question of whose problem it is to fix any damage. An estate that was built in Tuam in the 1980s was demolished 25 years later because it had gone to rack and ruin. This is no fault of the local authority. It does not have the resources to maintain the estate, keep it up to standard and ensure the tenants who are given houses respect them and keep them as if they are their own home. Not all tenants will do so but there are some who will degrade a property very fast. As a result, standards drop very quickly. It is important that we keep estates up to the highest standards at all times.

If we do not deal with this issue properly, we will have a huge problem in five or ten years' time, with people shouting and roaring about how estates are so dilapidated. For some reason, the approved housing bodies seem to have more resources than local authorities for the management of estates. They have estate managers on site almost on a full-time basis. Their estates are kept to a better standard than local authority estates. I cannot understand how they can do that while local authorities cannot. The reality is that the resources are not being delivered to councils to perform that role. We will face problems unless we address this issue. Now is the time to do something about it.

The private housing market is dysfunctional at this time. It is having a negative effect on the entire economy.

We have expanding FDI companies that are trying to recruit but they cannot do so because houses are not available for people to buy where they want to live and work. I am referring to houses of quality and new houses. In every town in Galway East I know of, there are no new private housing estates. In fact, in Tuam, the county town, a private housing estate has not been built since around 2008. Social housing is being built but not private housing. There are many reasons for this. First, our planning process has gone deeper and deeper into environmental and other processes, which costs money and slows the whole process down. The total failure of An Bord Pleanála to deal with submissions in a timely fashion is creating havoc. I have received correspondence from someone involved with a development of over 100 houses in Galway city that is with An Bord Pleanála. The report has been done since January 2023 but the board has still not made a decision on it. It is absolutely crazy. Who would get involved in that business?

The failure of the Government to provide the necessary funding to Irish Water to develop the infrastructure we require is a failure. In Galway county alone, there are over 30 towns and villages in which development has been frozen for the simple reason that they do not have municipal wastewater treatment plants. At the same time, we are trying to push people into towns and villages. We do not want them building houses in the rural areas because doing so is not right for the environment; yet, in the village of Corofin, which is in my parish and which is famous for football, we cannot build any houses other than one-off houses. We have a large tract of land right in the heart of the village but we cannot build on it because of an An Bord Pleanála decision in 2008 that stipulated that any development would be premature until a wastewater treatment plant was put in place.

Let me follow on from that example. When I became a member of Galway County Council in 2004, we had a list of projects to be done. A feasibility study was carried out on building a municipal treatment plant for Corofin. This proposal was lost when Irish Water was set up and it has not gained momentum since. There are 30 villages in this position right across the county.

Two years ago, the Government announced €50 million for wastewater treatment plants. A couple of months ago, it announced that we would probably not see them in place for another two to three years. One of them is in Craughwell, where raw sewage is pouring out of houses. While we talk about the environment and protecting it, and while I know the Minister of State's heart is in the right place, we have to ensure that if we do not do things right and put the ducks in a row, we will create more environmental hazards than we solve.

There is no affordable housing in my constituency and there probably will not be any for at least another two or three years. I hear some of my colleagues talk about setting up a national building company. Considering what happened with Irish Water, it will take at least five years to set up and another five before it will deliver houses. Therefore, we have to have some common sense and do things in an emergency way right now if we are to solve this issue in the short term. Then we should put long-term measures in place. I thank the Chair for his forbearance.

I compliment the Labour Party on this motion but I would like it to do what Brendan Howlin did when he apologised profoundly for the disastrous abolition of borough councils, etc., under Better Local Government. Labour was in government from 2011 to 2014 and decimated housing construction. Its new leader says it will build 1 million houses. This is the problem. We have people who magic up figures and do not have a clue. They could not build a henhouse and did not build one, yet we demonise private developers. We have to get local authorities back building houses so they will have stock. All the money going into HAP is just outrageous. It is money down the drain, with nothing to show for it.

Deputy Canney made the great point that we have to have maintenance crews in councils to maintain existing stock. I accept we are now increasing the rate of building, including in Tipperary County Council, but if we have no maintenance crews the houses will fall into disrepair.

We must examine the planning process. Planning permission was turned down in a rural village beside me this morning. An application was made for 14 houses but 14 will not be allowed. The applicants are people who can build houses. The site has been abandoned for decades. There are ten houses to be removed and new ones are to be built. Planning has to be joined up with housing authorities to try to put things together, and we must work in unison. A man in Tipperary, Sean Meehan, was evicted and threatened with jail in court for housing himself. He put up a log cabin. We have to introduce a statutory instrument to allow log cabins and modular buildings so people can house themselves and help out in the housing crisis. We need common sense and joined-up thinking, not grandiose ideas from the likes of Deputy Bacik and others here.

Ireland is in the midst of a severe housing crisis, with the political establishment seemingly incapable of delivering on housing need. The homeless population now exceeds 13,000 and is growing rapidly, yet nothing substantial is being done to reduce the number. The Government's flagship strategy, Housing for All, has goals that include increasing housing affordability and reducing homelessness; however, after almost four years of its being implemented, the vast majority of people with core housing needs are not benefiting from the Government's programmes.

I hold constituency clinics every weekend in places from Castletownbere to Kinsale and all the areas in between. People come in day in and day out, week in and week out, begging me to fight for a house for them. There is something wrong with the system as a consequence. People say they are 15 years on the housing list. Imagine hearing that from people. What answer am I to give them? It is impossible to give them answers. Whether it is in Clonakilty, Skibbereen or Bantry, it does not matter; it is the same story everywhere I go. People say they have been waiting for ten years, nine years, seven years or 14 years. It is not good enough and there has been no answer. There has been no answer to date from the Government, only further crises.

There are planning issues in my part of the country. A young man came to my clinic in Clonakilty the other day. He is from somewhere not far from that area. He is a young man with a baby and partner who wants to start off in life, but he has continually been refused planning permission for ridiculous reasons. I would not mind if the refusals concerned a building that was structurally inappropriate, for example, but the reasons are ridiculous, namely that the building should be moved so many feet east or so many feet west. In the name of God, would someone use a bit of common sense? There are planning regulators and others against the system. It is no wonder people are running out of this country. They are emigrating to get the hell out of here because they know there is no future here.

I compliment the Labour Party of old, the Labour people who were here in the past, the good people who were here for many years, when the Acting Chairman, Deputy Ring, was also here.

There were sound people in Labour at that time. We had the Springs, Moynihan-Cronins and other great people here-----

I was here myself.

-----not people like those who are here now. I will tell the House why. The current people, at their conference, said they would build 1 million houses. The only thing these people would know about a house would be how to object to it-----

The Deputy does not own a house, I suppose.

-----and how to object to developments. Those are the people here now.

(Interruptions).

The objectors of today are of what I would call the useless Labour Party of today. It is defunct, obsolete and non-existent in the people's psyche. As far as the people are concerned, the party is irrelevant in Irish politics today. It is ironic to see its members talking about housing considering that they are the finest group of objectors and do-nothingers I have ever seen.

How many houses does the Deputy own?

They are leading in no way-----

How many Ukrainians are in the Deputy's houses, for which he is getting half a million euro?

Sorry, Chair, it is a fright that they do not have the manners to keep their mouths shut. However, when you are irrelevant all you can do is shout inside here in the way they are doing.

(Interruptions).

I would like to use my time properly in saying we have many-----

The richest man in here.

-----difficulties in housing at present, and we have solutions to housing.

We have practical-----

You can be sure of one thing: the policies we have do not mean we will stand up-----

The Deputy loves the rent money, doesn't he?

-----and say we will build 1 million houses.

He loves the landlord rent money.

It is a fright they do not have the manners to let a person have his time.

As a person who has been in the building trade all his life, since leaving school early at 15, I have built many houses for people. I was glad to have and to create employment building houses. When I look at the record of the Labour Party and hear its members heckling across the floor, saying this, that and the other, I note the same people said in the media that they would build 1 million houses. The same people were told, when some of their spokespersons stood up, they should be in straitjackets. When people mentioned Aodhán Ó Ríordáin, what they were saying was 100% true because, given some of the statements he comes out with, he should be in a straitjacket.

I will talk straight here. Every Government that has come in here, including Labour of old, said it would build. That party had the Minister with responsibility for housing, Deputy Alan Kelly, at one time and built nothing while it was there. They are full of wind. It is like they are going to huff, they are going to puff and they are going to blow your house down. They are going to huff and puff and build you a house. They are full of wind.

The media log-on to this the whole time. They say the Social Democrats and Labour are going to do this. They do nothing because they have not got the common sense that you have to have to build houses. You need infrastructure. The Government and the previous Governments have never invested in infrastructure. If you do not have sewerage and water infrastructure, you cannot build houses. That is why you cannot build houses. There is no infrastructure. Labour should wake up and listen to people who understand what they are doing and not people who should be in straitjackets.

I have only a minute but there are a few things that need to be recognised. On voids, there is a house in the heart of the town of Killarney that has been vacant for five years. The Department is refusing to fund the €110,000 needed to bring that house back into use. That is only one of them.

This rule where tenants cannot purchase a county council house if it was built after 2015 is nonsensical. If the people are willing to purchase the house, they have pride in their house, they want to keep it and they want stay there, surely one should give them the opportunity. This rule that if it was built after 2015, it cannot be included for tenant purchase is wrong.

We must build more local authority houses for that reason. The houses of the voluntary bodies are fine but one can never buy them out. It is the ambition of many people to own the house they are living in but they cannot purchase the houses provided by the voluntary housing bodies. I am asking that the local authorities build more houses. The Minister should give them the autonomy to do that and allow the tenants to purchase the houses that were built after 2015.

Those are simple changes that would mean a lot. All these affordable housing schemes, etc., are not working. People would dearly wish to buy their council house if they were allowed to do so.

On a point of order, in relation to Deputy O'Donoghue's contribution, whatever about the slings and arrows and banter back and forth, there was a number of references to straitjackets there. This House has done a lot of work in relation to mental health.

There are two speakers left who will be able to question him.

We have debates on mental health. I would ask that the Deputy withdraw that remark.

The Deputy would want to check the media on that, would he not?

The Deputy should withdraw-----

There was a media angle in some of the newspapers and Labour's Deputy Aodhán Ó Ríordáin came out with it-----

(Interruptions).

Look at the media.

It is not befitting of this House.

Order. That is it now. The Deputy has made his point of order.

It is not befitting of this House.

(Interruptions).

I would never use a phrase like that, and I have not.

Will the Deputies please have a bit of manners? Order.

A Deputy

You did.

The Deputy does not know what he is talking about.

I can get you help now.

Have a bit of manners, please. I call Deputy Pringle.

The Deputy has not a clue.

Deputy Ó Ríordáin will get his opportunity in five minutes.

I thank the Acting Chair for the opportunity to speak on this motion regarding housing targets and regulation. I thank Labour for bringing the motion forward. I support this motion and its calls for the Government to increase its housing targets significantly. It is clear that Housing for All, the Government's strategy to address the housing crisis and end homelessness, has been an incredible failure. Since the publication of Housing for All, the number of homeless families in the north west alone has risen by 85%. It is a shocking figure. It demonstrates the absolute incompetence of the housing Minister, as does the fact that a record number of homelessness was recorded in the month of January, with a total of 13,531 people accessing emergency accommodation nationwide.

This cannot go on. The situation is absolutely dire and it somehow keeps getting worse, while the Minister hides behind Housing for All and housing targets that are set so ridiculously low that they would not make a dent on the level of homelessness that we are currently seeing, even if they were met.

Monthly homeless figures published by the Government only show a fraction of this issue. The report show individuals and families provided with emergency accommodation by local authorities. They do not show the hidden homeless - people sleeping rough, living in cars and sofa surfing, people in refuges escaping domestic violence, people sharing with family or friends, or those living in houses unfit for habitation. All these people are not reflected in the Government's numbers. The situation is, sadly, much worse than it seems.

Perhaps we are looking at this in the wrong way. We in opposition look at the housing policy as being a way to provide houses for people who are homeless. It is what one would think it would be but maybe when one looks at it from the Government's point of view that the housing policy is providing money for the private developers, it is working well. From the Minister's and the Government's point of view, housing policy is working because they are not about providing housing for homeless people. The Government is about providing money to developers for developing, etc. From that point of view, it is working well for Government and Government is providing everything it wants to do in relation to housing. One thing is certain - it is not about solving the homeless crisis and providing housing for people. If it was something the Minister was interested in, he would increase the income thresholds for housing because there is a huge number of people in Donegal on an income of between €32,000 and €80,000 who cannot provide housing for themselves, will not be able to provide housing for themselves and are left to the private market in terms of providing for housing. When those people come into my office, I say there is nothing I can do for them and that they are on their own because that is Government policy and it wants to keep down the figures to make it look like it is meeting the need. The first thing that would happen if the Government increased the income limits for getting on the housing list is that the housing list would go through the roof and the Minister would have to explain that away. It is easier not to let those people onto the list in the first place and then they do not have to be counted by anybody. That is what is happening in terms of housing.

We, in opposition, are probably all guilty of looking at it from the wrong angle. We are looking at it from the angle of people who need houses and people who are homeless as that has been the measure of housing success. That cannot be from where the Government is looking at it because if it was, it would be admitting that it was an absolute failure.

In 2023, North West Simon provided homeless prevention support for over 220 households of 266 adults accompanied by 207 children. I cannot imagine how the absence of a home and this instability is impacting these children. These people in this situation often get lost in a discussion about numbers.

This week, the UN’s economic, social and cultural rights committee expressed concern over the persistent gap between demand and supply in Ireland's housing market and the increasing cost of rents. This gap is disproportionately affecting the most marginalised and disadvantaged in our society.

The committee ruled that the lack of social housing was "not adequate" and that "the persistence of homelessness" in Ireland was concerning. It called on the Government to ensure "adequate access" to culturally appropriate accommodation for Traveller and Roma communities and suggested increasing local authorities' culturally appropriate housing stock. It also recommended steps be taken to avoid all forms of discrimination in the provision of accommodation.

Sadly, these recommendations have been put forward time and again by Traveller groups. Last Friday was Irish Traveller Ethnicity Day. In celebrating the culture and the formal recognition of the ethnic group, it is also important to consider all the ways the community has been failed and left behind.

The Housing (Traveller Accommodation) Act 1998 obliges local authorities to draw up five-year Traveller accommodation programmes. However, since its introduction, local authorities have consistently failed to complete these programmes. In addition, year after year, local authorities across the country have failed to draw down funds earmarked for Traveller-specific accommodation. The fact that this has become the norm for many local authorities is disgraceful and shows that Traveller-specific accommodation is not being prioritised in the way it should be. The allocated budget for Traveller-specific accommodation is already far lower than it should be and for it not to be drawn down completely is unacceptable. Many Traveller households are forced to live in unsafe, unsanitary or overcrowded conditions and I would urge the Minister to work with Traveller organisations in addressing this very serious situation.

It is time for meaningful action, not only from the Government, but from the Opposition as well. Opposition parties, including ourselves, have put forward many housing motions over the term of this Government but sadly many of them have failed to include targets for Traveller-specific accommodation or recognise the dire living situations that many Travellers are forced to endure. I hope that in trying to create a more fair and equitable society for everyone in this country, we ensure nobody is left behind in the future. That is what a housing policy should do. It should provide for Travellers, Roma, homeless people, which it is not doing, and those people who are in dire need of help and support rather than provide for builders and developers in the private sector to make money.

I commend the Labour Party on the opportunity to highlight in this House the housing crisis. It is also welcome to hear that the Government is not opposing the motion. I will start by referring to the recent review by the UN's Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which found that there is a persistent gap between housing demand and supply that is disproportionately affecting the most marginalised and disadvantaged, and that a lack of social housing has forced households to move into the private rental sector, which we know is inadequate in terms of affordability, habitability, accessibility and security of tenure. Of the properties inspected in County Clare last year, almost 94% failed.

The report also expressed concern over "the persistence of homelessness" in Ireland and highlighted an absence of comprehensive measures to protect tenants living in poverty and to prevent forced evictions, and a lack of culturally appropriate housing for Travellers.

The Minister of State, Deputy Noonan, will be aware that I have raised the necessity to ban no-fault evictions on many occasions in this House. We know that seven out of ten evictions in Ireland are no-fault and nine out of every ten tenancy terminations are landlord-led. The Minister of State must outline why we are going to continue to be the outlier on no-fault evictions and the reason for the refusal to introduce the necessary ban.

I say that not just on my own behalf but on behalf of people at home listening to the debate who may have received a notice to quit. In my constituency of Clare, there was a 40% increase in notices to quit being issued at the end of the disastrously inadequate eviction moratorium last year.

I am currently dealing with a large volume of constituents who have received notices to quit. Clare County Council stated at its last council meeting that it is assisting 50 clients and because there is no emergency accommodation capacity it advises people to stay with family. However, that is not the solution.

I am aware that ten affordable housing projects have been approved so far for County Clare. Two submissions are with the Minister and we are waiting to hear about their approval. There is a necessity to speed up the application process.

I will respond first to some points raised by Members. Deputy Andrews inquired about the Glass Bottle site. The figures are 25% social and affordable, 10% Part V and 15% additional affordable and social. I will have to come back to him on the oversight committee.

Deputy Cian O'Callaghan raised points about the rough sleeper count. Again, I will have to revert on those. Deputy Paul Murphy made some points in which he criticised the Labour Party. The Labour Party, like the Green Party, is always willing to step into government and do what is needed. If an opportunity for a left-led government emerges will People Before Profit step up when it is needed? I again say in response to the criticism that has been made of the Labour Party, that it has always stepped up and been willing to participate in government. There are enough hurlers on the ditch around here.

Deputy Canney raised the management of capacity in regard to local authorities and the maintenance of housing stock. That is hugely significant and important. We are addressing issues relating to An Bord Pleanála.

Deputies Pringle and Wynne raised points about Traveller accommodation. I agree wholeheartedly that local authorities must provide it and that they should meet their requirements and targets for Traveller-specific accommodation.

We know that the housing crisis is having a real impact on people's lives and the nation as a whole. We understand the urgency and the need to ensure that people have a safe, secure and affordable home. No one underestimates the scale of the challenge and the motion before the House today highlights some of those challenges.

We are not opposing the motion. We believe that in respect of the issues raised in the motion, work is already under way. The Minister of State, Deputy O'Donovan, has already set out some of the ongoing measures in his opening statement but I acknowledge some more of the significant progress this Government has made since the publication of Housing for All in September 2021.

Supply, which is critical to addressing the challenges facing the housing system, has increased significantly. Last year we delivered 32,695 new homes, the highest number in this country in well over a decade. That momentum is continuing. Construction commenced on nearly 33,000 homes in 2023, and in January of this year alone, close to 3,400 homes commenced. This increase of 59% on January 2023 shows that we are continuing in the right direction. It is the highest number of units commenced in the month of January since records began in 2015.

Annual house price inflation, as measured by the CSO residential property price index, also moderated significantly in 2023, falling from 15.1% in March 2022 to 4.4% in December 2023, with the price of new houses also moderating. I know that affordability is a challenge for many, and those looking to buy or rent in cities and towns can face difficulties. However, it is evident that Housing for All is having a real impact for those who wish to buy a home. Nearly 26,000 first-time buyers drew down mortgages in 2023, the highest level since 2007. Many of these were supported by the first home and help-to-buy schemes.

The responsibility for housing policies lies at the national rather than EU level. However, where opportunities arise to co-operate and foster best policy across member states these are taken up. The Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, was at the European conference of housing ministers in Liège this week where solutions to improve access to affordable, decent housing for all within the EU were being progressed.

Increasing the supply of affordable housing is a central element of Housing for All, with an objective to deliver 36,000 new affordable and 18,000 cost-rental homes in the period 2022-2030. A very ambitious programme of affordable housing is now in place and has already seen significant delivery. More than 2,100 affordable housing supports were delivered by the end of the third quarter of 2023 via approved housing bodies, local authorities, the LDA and through the first home scheme. This momentum will continue as the pipeline of affordable housing delivery is developed and expanded.

The year 2022 saw the highest annual output of social homes in decades and the highest level of new-build social homes in more than half a century. More than 10,200 social homes were delivered by local authorities and AHBs through build, acquisition or leasing. The significant increase in new-build social homes is a testament to how Housing for All is having a positive effect on thousands of the most vulnerable in this country. Social housing delivery figures for 2023 are being confirmed and they will be published in the coming weeks. I am confident that they will exceed last year's figures.

The increase in the supply of housing is critical to tackling homelessness. This Government is prioritising measures which focus on accelerating social and affordable housing supply through a combination of new build, targeted acquisitions and leasing. Preliminary data for 2023 shows that more than 1,000 acquisitions were completed in the first nine months of 2023, with more than 500 properties acquired under the tenant in situ scheme. For 2024, the Government has again approved an increase in social housing acquisitions to 1,500 and will keep these targets under review.

Further measures introduced to increase and accelerate the supply of social homes include an additional 1,000 homes through targeted leasing initiatives in 2024; and the amendment of the capital advance leasing facility, CALF, used by AHBs to assist them in their efforts to deliver social homes.

The Government also introduced the cost-rental tenant in situ scheme, CRTiS, in April last year for tenants in private rental homes who are not eligible for social housing supports but who are at risk of homelessness. It continues to be available for eligible tenants who are at risk of homelessness if their landlord intends to sell the property. I encourage anyone who finds themselves in that situation to contact their local authority and make an appointment to see their local housing officer.

The fourth quarter homeless progress report for 2023 thankfully shows strong progress in terms of preventions from homelessness, with more than twice the number of individuals being prevented from entering homelessness compared to the same period in 2022. This shows that measures such as the tenant in situ scheme are beginning to have a positive effect. A total of 6,848 adult preventions and exits were achieved over the course of 2023. This represents a 25% increase on the 5,478 adult preventions and exits achieved in 2022. It is still an issue of great concern for the Government. That is why there is such a great focus on preventions and exits as well as significant investment and effort in accelerating and increasing supply.

The Labour Party's motion calls for increased funding for local authorities to tackle vacancy and dereliction through the compulsory purchase of empty buildings. Tackling vacancy is already a key priority for this Government. Many areas face the blight of vacant properties which, if brought back into use, could support the regeneration and revitalisation of those communities. Heritage-led regeneration of villages, towns and cities will also enhance the viability of local services, shops and pubs.

Continued implementation of Housing for All objectives and the actions to address vacancy and dereliction represent the most appropriate response to dealing with those issues and ensuring that towns, cities and villages once again become vibrant places where people want to live, work and socialise. Significant progress is being made. The vacant homes action plan, launched in January 2023, outlines the progress, along with the actions being pursued to return vacant properties back into use as homes.

As part of the plan, a new compulsory purchase order, CPO, activation programme was launched in April 2023, which provides for a proactive and systematic approach by local authorities to identifying vacant and derelict properties and engaging with owners to bring those properties back into use. This includes the active use of existing compulsory purchase powers by local authorities, where needed. A fund of €150 million is being made available to support the programme under the urban regeneration and development fund for local authorities to acquire long-term vacant or derelict properties for reuse.

The Croí Cónaithe towns fund is successfully supporting the refurbishment of vacant and derelict properties through the vacant property refurbishment grant and the provision of serviced sites for people to build their own homes through the ready to build scheme. Feedback on the grant has been very positive. By the end of December 2023, and I actually have figures as recent as 5 March, in excess of 6,034 applications had been received, more than 3,000 grants had been approved, and payments, that is as of yesterday, are being made as work is completed. In fact, due to the success of the grant, the target for homes to be delivered under the fund has been increased from 2,000 to 4,000 by 2025.

While varying levels of vacancy are indicated in the different data sources, the overall trend is consistently downwards and vacancy levels are reducing. The most efficient home to deliver is one which already exists, and, working together, I firmly believe there are thousands of vacant and derelict houses nationwide that will be transformed into homes, with all the benefits that will bring to our communities and the sustainable reuse of these wonderful properties.

We have achieved much since Housing for All was published, but we know there is still a long road ahead. We will continue doing everything in our power to increase affordability, improve the rental market, eradicate homelessness, address vacancy and fix the housing system for generations to come.

I thank the Labour Party for bringing the motion forward today. It is a progressive motion and we look forward to working with all parties in this House.

I thank the Minister of State for his comments on the Labour Party, but I should say that attacks on the Labour Party are not personal. They are attacks in defence of self interest and they only reinforce us in our determination to advance our policy platform.

Since recovery from the financial crash which brought about the collapse of Ireland’s construction industry, the issue of housing has been this country’s main social focus. When other crises faced us, we were able to bring a singular focus to bear to address the issues. The economic collapse, the coming of Brexit, and Covid brought about a determination of policymakers to solve the issues that arise. On housing, the most critical of social issues, as acknowledged by everybody in this House, and an issue for all our people, the crisis continues years after the promises of a solution. There is no shortage of money, land is plentiful, even serviced land, builders can be found if there is a concerted effort, so why does this crisis persist?

When you see the results of determined efforts on other even more daunting challenges, it must be concluded that current policymakers, that is, the current Government, do not have the determination to end this crisis. We can make proposals from this side of the House, as we do today, for a change in specific policies, and do so in a very determined and clear way, but unless the Government harnesses all the power and capacity of the government system to drive clear targets and do what is needed to build the necessary number of affordable homes, the crisis will continue. In all the major challenges this State has faced, it has been an inescapable fact that the State itself is the only agent that can truly drive transformational action. The Government produces plans and papers and any number of schemes and supports – the litany was given again today – but rather than be the driving agent to provide houses, it sees itself, rather, as the provider of incentives for others to provide the houses. When Ireland became an independent nation in 1922, most of the country had no electricity. That fledgling State spent 20% of the annual revenue on the world’s first national electricity system at Ardnacrusha in County Clare. With vision and no little risk, bold policies were devised and implemented. Our housing crisis is a far less challenging task than that, yet it is one that has not been successfully tackled.

The facts of the matter are clear. The national shortage of housing is impacting on every facet of public life. People cannot take up jobs because they want a place to live and they cannot afford it. We cannot get qualified staff in healthcare, in caring services or to fill vacancies across the economy. To move to Ireland is now not an option for many of the professionals we need simply because there is no affordable housing. Addressing the housing shortage will impact on every other public service. If we solve this, we will allow nurses, teachers, care workers and gardaí to live in communities close to where they work and where they choose to live.

The Government is accepting the Labour Party’s motion without a clear commitment to actually implement it. Will the 50,000 new home targets, now accepted as part of policy in this Dáil, actually be delivered? How? What new measures will be put in place in recognising that this must be done and cannot be done under business as usual?

Housing is a social good. No more than decent healthcare or education, it cannot be left to market forces to be the prime deliverer of this social need. This House and this country do not need an endless litany of schemes and numbers. Rather what is needed is a determined focus by all of us, but particularly the Government, to fix an end date to the housing crisis and spell out in concrete terms the means to achieve it.

I thank all those who have contributed to our debate on housing today. It is the great civil rights issue of our time, the ability to live in safety and security. We thank the Minister of State for not opposing the motion and for his comments on the Labour Party. The Minister of State referred to solutions on a European level. I believe that is where the housing Minister is now. We agree. The Government needs to be working on a European level to find pan-European solutions on affordable housing. We need to change the state aid rules to enable local authorities and national governments to fund housing solutions. We need to have a greater crackdown on the scourge of short-term letting which is really hurting many European cities and especially hurting Dublin.

Dublin, as a modern European capital, is really falling apart on the Government’s watch. As my colleague Deputy Howlin said, we have an inability to keep basic public servants living and working in Dublin. I have visited schools that are operating on 45% staffing capacity because they just cannot get teachers. Teachers cannot afford to live in Dublin. It is similar in healthcare and An Garda Síochána. We fundamentally cannot get people to live and work in Dublin. We have constantly called on the Government to reflect what has been happening in London for the past 100 years, where there is a London allowance, and have a weighted allowance for public servants and others to live and work in Dublin, but it is crushing for a young person or couple. We meet them every day of the week as we knock on doors and meet multiple generations of the same household at absolute breaking point because they cannot break out of that. There is a level of humiliation for people in their 30s living in their parents’ home, still living in their childhood bedroom. You cannot form a relationship. You cannot raise a family on that basis.

My final point is about children. On the very formation of Dáil Éireann, the first document produced was one for the new republic. It stated that the first duty of the republic would be the welfare of the children. At Christmas less than 18 months ago, the number of children in homelessness was 3,500. There was a national outcry at the time about the numbers of children in homelessness. At that stage, the no-fault eviction ban was still in place. The Minister of State said, as have others, that it was not working, that it was adding to homelessness, but since it has gone, in the time since Christmas 2022, we have a statistic for homeless children of 4,100. It has gone up 600 in little more than a year. I want to impress on the Minister of State how crushingly humiliating that is for every single child, because we are not just talking about numbers on a sheet, as Deputy Howlin said. We are not talking about empty strategies that will potentially fix this in five, ten or 15 years' time. We are talking about 4,100 stolen childhoods.

We are talking about stolen dreams and the absolute humiliation of a child in that circumstance. Can you imagine what flashes through a child's head in school every day when the topic of homework comes up and he or she does not even have that? Some 4,100 children are in that scenario. That has been added to and compounded by the Government's decision to lift the eviction ban. The stats speak for themselves: 3,500 children were homeless almost a year ago and the number is now 4,100. There is no homeless agency, advocacy group or family with children who will tell you that the lifting of the eviction ban was a good call and the right thing to do.

While we appreciate the Government is not opposing this Labour Party motion, and while we appreciate also some of the comments the Minister of State and others made on it, that is cold comfort for any child who is on that list of 4,100 children who need accommodation, or those families living in multi-generational situations in a family home in Dublin, or those public servants and others who cannot afford to rent in that city. The Government has solutions but it has not taken on board what we have constantly said about putting the humanity back at the heart of this debate, nor has it realised the massive responsibility it has when it takes decisions such as ending the eviction ban without properly ramping up investment in social and affordable housing.

Question put and agreed to.
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