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Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, and Defence debate -
Thursday, 25 May 2017

EU Foreign Affairs Council

I thank the Chairman for the invitation to address the joint committee on developments at the EU Foreign Affairs Council. I wish to begin by expressing my sympathy and condolences to the victims of the appalling attack in Manchester on Monday last. The words "attack on the innocent" are particularly resonant when one thinks of young children, young fans, their families and friends simply enjoying an evening out. On Tuesday I spoke with the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Boris Johnson and told him that Dáil and Seanad Éireann were unified in expressing solidarity and recording our horror and disgust at this terrible act. As of now, there are no Irish citizens confirmed among the victims. I have received reports from our embassy in Jakarta of a suicide bombing there last night. Again, I abhor such a cowardly attack. It is an affront to the Government of Indonesia and its efforts to counter extremism and to promote tolerance and inclusion, which Ireland and the European Union support most vigorously. I understand that there are no reports of foreign casualties. Our thoughts and prayers are with those affected, both in Manchester and Jakarta.

Again, I thank the committee for the invitation to update members on developments at the EU Foreign Affairs Council. My Department has provided a detailed advance information note to the committee and in the interests of maximising the time available for questions and discussion, I propose to confine my opening remarks to a few of the major themes. First, with regard to Syria, in terms of violence and displacement of civilians the conflict in Syria remains the most pressing problem in our neighbourhood and one of the most intractable and difficult to address. The EU has remained actively engaged but there is also significant involvement by regional players and great powers. The UN is playing an important leadership role and at the moment what might be called punctuated talks processes are going on in Geneva and latterly in Astana. The conflict is extremely complex. In EU discussions, Ireland has sought to stress the primacy of a political resolution over any drift into a purely military approach, the paramount objective of bringing the fighting and destruction to an end and the urgency, in the meantime, of humanitarian access and relief. In April the Council adopted conclusions on an EU strategy for Syria, which reflected these priorities. Ireland has backed up these views by contributing very substantial humanitarian assistance to help the victims of the conflict, amounting now to €76.5 million. Ireland supported the establishment of an international, impartial, and independent mechanism on Syria. I have recently announced an initial contribution of €100,000 towards the cost of that mechanism.

The Council also discussed the situation in Yemen in April. Ireland’s primary concern in Yemen is the humanitarian situation which is the largest humanitarian crisis in the world. I have discussed this with my counterparts in the Gulf region, calling on them to use their influence to encourage the warring parties to lay down arms. The Minister of State at my Department, Deputy Joe McHugh, made a similar call at a recent conference on Yemen in Geneva. I have made clear in this House and elsewhere my absolute condemnation of the reported deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure by both sides to the conflict. When I met my counterparts from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, UAE, I raised Ireland’s concerns about attacks which have directly impacted on civilians. Ireland has been supportive of calls for an independent, international investigation into alleged violations of international humanitarian law in Yemen. My Department will continue to support calls for all alleged violations of human rights and international humanitarian law to be fully investigated and for those found guilty of violations to be held accountable. I commend the efforts of UN Special Envoy, Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, and his team, who continue to work tirelessly for peace. I urge all parties to this conflict, as well as those with influence in the region, to accept the Special Envoy’s invitation to return to the negotiating table for a peace settlement.

On the matter of the Middle East peace process, the EU Foreign Affairs Council considered the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in March. My strong support for the French initiative last year, which concluded in the Paris conference in January was based on my deep concern that the other crises in the region have distracted international attention away from this long-standing problem. This is especially so now, as we reach the fiftieth anniversary of the Israeli occupation and negative actions on the ground increase tension and the risk of violence. While the French initiative did refocus international attention to an extent and restated broad support for the two state solution, agreement on the way forward did not emerge. The advent of a new US Administration is always something of a watershed in regard to the Middle East peace process. The visit of President Trump to the region earlier this week showed his interest, at least, in bringing the parties together in renewed negotiations and he urged the parties to engage positively with each other.

On the matter of Ukraine, discussion on Ukraine at the February Foreign Affairs Council focusing on the country’s reform process was overshadowed by the worrying security situation in eastern Ukraine, following a significant escalation in fighting at the end of January. Ministers expressed concern at the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the Donbass region, underlying the need for full implementation of the Minsk Agreements. At a meeting with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Klimkin in advance of the FAC last week, I expressed my concerns at the fragile security situation, the heavy costs being borne by the local civilian populations and the increasingly dangerous environment in which the OSCE special monitoring mission members are operating on a daily basis.

I joined others in commending the Government of Ukraine on the progress it has made so far and in strongly supporting continued reform efforts. I also expressed the hope that the entry into force of the Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine and visa liberalisation for Ukrainian citizens in the Schengen area would soon be a reality. I firmly believe that reaching these milestones will send an important signal to citizens in Ukraine that the national reform effort is delivering benefits of a positive nature.

While migration may have largely faded from the media headlines, the terrible drownings that we see in the Mediterranean are a stark reminder of the human costs of this crisis. A range of measures adopted by the European Union have resulted in a significant reduction in the number of people risking their lives at sea on the eastern Mediterranean migration route from Turkey. However, migration has increased on the central Mediterranean route from Libya across the Mediterranean to Italy. The European Union has been helping Libya to deal with traffickers using Libya as a platform for irregular migration. Ireland’s Naval Service has been dealing with the consequences of those callous activities. We have rescued over 15,600 people to date. I wish to commend, as I know the committee has done, their ongoing brave work in this region.

Ireland continues to maintain that the European Union’s approach to the migration crisis must be based on solidarity and address the root causes as well as the humanitarian challenges that confront us. That was one of the main reasons Ireland voluntarily opted into EU relocation and resettlement plans in 2015 and why we continue to support the EU’s migration partnership framework agreed last year. At its heart is working with countries of origin and transit in sub-Saharan Africa to help address their particular circumstances, which are considerable.

We have been working closely with Ethiopia, one of Irish Aid’s partner countries. Migration will continue to be a priority issue for the European Union and will likely be discussed at our June meeting, ahead of discussions at the June European Council.

On the matter of Turkey, following the attempted coup in Turkey last July, the constitutional referendum passed there on 16 April has kept an international focus on the ongoing negative developments in Turkey. The amendments, once implemented, will invest considerable powers in the office of the President and may erode the checks and balances necessary in any democracy. EU Ministers agreed that it is essential to keep the lines of communication with Turkey open; that our discussions must be frank, direct and open, but conducted with mutual respect; and that the door to the accession process should remain open, but that if there is to be progress along this path, Turkey will be held fully accountable for its commitment to act in accordance with European values on human rights, democracy, rule of law and freedom of expression, including media freedom. The situation is complicated and difficult, and it will remain firmly on our agenda.

I had an opportunity to convey Ireland’s concerns directly to the Turkish Minister of the Economy when he led a trade delegation to Ireland in April. I expressed my serious concern about the direction of travel in Turkey and emphasised that while we do not underestimate the impact of both the attempted coup and the many terrorist attacks suffered by Turkey and its people, we remain deeply concerned at the ongoing detentions and dismissals, and other restrictions on human rights and basic freedoms, including freedom of expression and media freedom, democracy and the rule of law. In that context, I reiterated that the introduction of the death penalty would be unacceptable.

I know that the committee met last week with representatives of the pro-Kurdish HDP, and I would like to repeat that I have consistently made clear in recent times that the rights of the Kurdish population in Turkey must be respected – a point I made again at the recent Gymnich informal meeting of EU Foreign Ministers in Malta in April. We have also made clear that we regret the breakdown of the ceasefire between the Turkish Government and the PKK in July 2015, and that we have repeatedly called for a return to political dialogue so that a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish issue can be reached.

On the matter of the EU global strategy, as well as the immediate issues, the Foreign Affairs Council has been considering how the European Union can redouble its efforts to promote a rules-based international order with multilateralism as its key principle and the United Nations at its core. The EU global strategy sets out a vision for foreign and security policy. It commits the Union to promoting peace, prosperity, democracy and the rule of law. The strategy recognises the need to invest more in conflict resolution and tackle the root causes of instability, using a mix of policies coherently to support international peace, economic development and help build state and societal capacity on governance, rule of law and human rights. Strengthening the EU’s peacekeeping capacity in support of the United Nations will be an integral part of this effort. This will be done through the further development of the Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDF, as defined in the treaties of the European Union.

Civilian CSDP missions promote stability. They build resilience in fragile environments through strengthening rule of law institutions. They work to link up the three essential elements of the European Union’s integrated approach as outlined in the EU global strategy, namely, diplomacy, security and defence and development. There are currently nine civilian missions on two continents with approximately 2,500 staff deployed to them. Ireland currently deploys 12 civilians and five members of An Garda Síochána to eight of those missions.

In Ukraine, where there are two Irish nationals deployed, the EU assistance mission, EUAM Ukraine, has been providing support to the Ukrainian authorities to establish a civilian security sector that is efficient, accountable and enjoys the trust of the public. In Georgia, where two Irish nationals are also deployed, the EU monitoring mission there seeks to ensure that there is no return to hostilities with Russia and to facilitate the resumption of a safe and normal life for the local communities living on both sides of the administrative boundary lines with Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Discussions at the Foreign Affairs Council have centred on a number of proposals geared towards making CSDP more effective. This includes adapting civilian CSDP to make it more operational and responsive in the face of new and existing security challenges; improving CSDP crisis management structures; and strengthening CSDP co-operation with partner countries and organisations, including the United Nations. It also includes the development of voluntary initiatives such as permanent structured co-operation and a co-ordinated annual review on defence, which are aimed at providing more efficiently the capabilities required for international peace support.

Ireland has actively contributed to the development of these concepts with a view to ensuring that they add value to the CSDP and the EU’s international crisis management efforts, grounded in the EU treaties and related protocols. We strongly support initiatives, through the CSDP, which improve the capacity of the European Union to contribute to international peace and stability, particularly in support of the UN.

Looking ahead to the next meeting in June, the Council will continue its work on the implementation of the EU global strategy, as well as discussing migration, Iraq and the Sahel region.

I thank the Chairman and the members for their time in allowing me to briefly review what I believe they would agree has been a diverse agenda at the Foreign Affairs Council in recent times. I am always pleased to take submissions and observations from the members, and the Chairman, and to answer any questions. I look forward to hearing their own perspectives on these issues.

With regard to the relationship between Government and Parliament, I regard the discourse, advice and guidance of this committee as being particularly important to me in the context of my Ministry.

I thank the Minister. With regard to his remarks about the atrocity in Manchester earlier in this week, at a meeting of the select committee earlier, on behalf of the committee I recorded our abhorrence of the barbarous act and heinous crime committed on innocent people going about their evening's enjoyment.

I understand the Minister has another engagement that he has to attend at 11.30 a.m., so to make best use of time, I will group the questions. I will call Deputy Darragh O'Brien who will be followed by Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan and then Deputy Seán Barrett.

I will try to be brief. The Minister dealt with a lot of issues in his presentation and I will not be able to cover everything in the time allowed. I acknowledge the Minister's commitment to providing advice and guidance to this committee.

The Minister mentioned the situation in Yemen, which is obviously a catastrophic human rights tragedy. The ongoing conflict there is, in the main, supported by Saudi Arabia. In that context, I want to return to an issue that we have discussed previously. I will be general because I have given up on trying to get a specific response as to how we voted on the membership of the UN Commission on the Status of Women. In response to parliamentary questions that I tabled, the Minister appears to be suggesting that we did support Saudi Arabia in its accession to that committee. He stated in a response that his Department had received no representations asking Ireland to oppose Saudi Arabia's accession to the aforementioned committee. Given that the Suadis are one of the main protagonists in the ongoing conflict in Yemen and the terrible tragedies that are occurring there, I ask that the Department would undertake a review of our policy of keeping private all votes for UN commissions. I accept that there are numerous elections across a range of bodies at the UN. I also accept that there are situations sometimes where national security or strategic interests are at stake and it may be necessary to keep how we vote in elections private. However, our votes on the membership of committees should not be kept private, particularly the UN Commission on the Status of Women. We need to reconsider this policy going forward. While I acknowledge the Minister's point that this has been standard practice over generations, that does not mean it is correct in all instances. I would like this committee to examine the issue, with a view to proposing new procedures. Across the-----

Deputy, I do not know if that matter arose at the EU Foreign Affairs Council. I would ask the Deputy to stick to the agenda-----

If it did not arise, it should have. What interaction did the those voting on behalf of Ireland have with the Minister or his officials prior to the vote? Do we just assume that they are going to do the right thing? I will leave that element to one side for now.

I have a number of questions regarding the European consensus on development. I note that Mr. Gaffey, the Director General of the Development Co-operation Directorate of the Department is here and perhaps he would like to comment too. There appears to be a move by some towards tying overseas aid. Such moves are not being made by Ireland and indeed, we have an excellent track record in that regard. However, it looks like there is a focus, from an EU perspective, on development co-operation in the context of security, commerce, migration and other objectives. Ireland's stance has always been in favour of untied overseas development aid and that should remain the case. I ask the Minister to clarify whether this has been discussed at the Foreign Affairs Council in any detail. Ireland can take a very good lead in any discussions on that matter because our track record is excellent.

I wish to turn now to the question of Palestine and the Occupied Territories in particular. Has the EU Foreign Affairs Council discussed the issue of the destruction of EU funded property by Israeli armed forces? Medical facilities, schools and other EU funded facilities have been destroyed, which is a big issue on which the EU should speak with one voice. I have engaged with departmental officials in recent weeks to try advance further Ireland's position with regard to the recognition of the state of Palestine as part of a two state solution. I ask the Minister to outline the EU's perspective on this question. Is the Irish Government moving closer to recognising the state of Palestine? I believe it would be helpful if we were to put our money where our mouth is, state that Palestine has equal status with the state of Israel and recognise both states formally. We should get off the fence and do that.

However, I do not want us to do anything that would be detrimental to any new discussions that may take place in the aftermath of the recent visit of the new US President to the region and his calls for re-engagement. I ask the Minister to give his views on how he sees that situation at this moment in time. There are lots of other issues in which I am interested but I will leave it at that for now, given the time constraints to which the Chairman has referred. I hope we will have other opportunities to engage with the Minister on the many items raised this morning in more detail. Again, I thank the Minister for his presentation.

I have some specific questions to put to the Minister, the first of which relates to Libya and the way in which it is being used to look after migrants and refugees. We are hearing appalling reports of what is happening in detention centres in Libya. The country itself does not have a functioning government. There are medical shortages, power shortages and so forth. There is a serious possibility of Libya going bankrupt, such are the demands on its central bank. How can Libya be given such a major role with regard to migrants? Where is Ireland's voice in terms of looking for an alternative to that?

My second question relates to overseas development aid. I wish Mr. Gaffey well on the next stage of his journey, following his work with Irish Aid. As Deputy Darragh O'Brien has said, our reputation on aid is unparalleled. There is great respect for Ireland but, that being said, we are now further away from the 0.7% target. How can we move towards that, particularly in the context of realising sustainable development goals?

What is happening with regard to tackling the root causes of the problems in the Horn of Africa? The EU says it wants to tackle them but what is happening in that regard? Yesterday I met a delegation, including a Minister, from Somaliland. I know there are difficulties there with regard to the recognition of that state but it is a democracy that has had peaceful elections and transfers of power. Will the Department consider further engagement with Somaliland?

I have two questions for the Minister on prisoners. First, there are Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike at present. Can our diplomatic personnel in Tel Aviv and Ramallah raise the human rights concerns of those prisoners? In Iran, there are seven Baha'i leaders who are in their ninth year of imprisonment and I ask that we would make representations on their behalf.

Finally, I have asked previously that we would look at the process of election monitoring because concerns are being brought to me about the transparency and accountability of same. It may not be an issue for today but I would appreciate meeting someone from the Department to discuss that issue.

With regard to Iran, I ask the Minister if and when we are going to reopen the embassy in that country. The Minister will have noted that an election was held there recently and the President was re-elected. He is trying to change the direction of his country. I paid an official visit to Iran when I was Ceann Comhairle and spoke with the President. It would be in our interests as well as the interests of the region for Ireland to be represented there by way of an embassy. The Irish embassy in Iran was closed some time ago and it is ridiculous that it has not been reopened when efforts are being made to bring Iran into a normal way of doing business. There are constant attempts to attack Iran even though the regime there has changed. In my meeting with the President, I asked him directly if he intended to or had already developed weapons of mass destruction. His answer, without hesitation, was "No" and he said that such weapons are contrary to the religious beliefs of the people of Iran. I am tired of listening to people constantly having a go at Iran when there are other countries in that region that are not doing as much in terms of trying to change peoples' opinion. Iran went through a very difficult period with the changeover in the 1970s but now it is time to bring that country on board.

It is essential to peacekeeping in the region. I just do not understand why we do not have an embassy there to be able to report back at first hand on what is happening. I can tell members only what I experienced. I had a one-to-one conversation for about half an hour with the President. I was there as Ceann Comhairle; I was not there poking my nose in. I got a straight answer. These people want to do business with Ireland and want to become part and parcel of the whole process in the Middle East. It is important we have someone heading up the regime in Iran who is progressive and not going backwards. Ireland, as an independent country, should have an embassy there from which we would get constant reports back through our diplomatic channels.

I was in Ukraine with a number of Speakers from European parliaments. We met the country's President. Incidentally, his two children were born in Ireland. I had not realised that. Ukraine is struggling. It is blatantly obvious that the Russians are up to their ears in causing problems in the eastern part of Ukraine. They have already walked into Crimea and annexed it, but nowhere, including Germany, raised a whimper. Imagine someone walking into this country and taking it over part and parcel. The issue of Ukraine has gone off the agenda. No one is even raising it as an issue now. The mother of the Ukrainian ambassador to Ireland was living in Crimea. He could not go to visit his own mother. This is one of the day-to-day human aspects of all this. We wonder what is happening with Russia and so on. The Russians have not given up their desire to annexe parts of the world they once controlled. As an independent country within the European Union, it is important for Ireland to have its own opinion on these sorts of issues. We protect dearly our neutrality and should use it to speak out on these sorts of issues. When one visits places such as the ones I have mentioned and talks to the people involved, one realises they are left swinging. No one is talking about Crimea. I never hear a dicky bird about it. I would like the Minister to address that also.

Are serious efforts being made in the Minister's Department to set up a really important team to deal with Brexit? I feel this is drifting along. We are getting all sorts of mixed messages. Why was the representative who was here addressing the two Houses also at the Border? I am told he was looking at areas suitable for posts. What was his business going there? Our policy is to have no boundaries, and we are trying to agree this with the British. This is such an important issue for us. Ours is an island stuck out in the Atlantic and we are the ones who will suffer most owing to Britain pulling out of the European Union. This little island out in the Atlantic will have an independent Great Britain between it and the rest of Europe, so before going further down the line or before fallings out between those negotiating on behalf of the European Union and Britain, we will have to address this. We are the ones who will really suffer. It is important we be clear about this. I acknowledge our Government has been trying to make clear what we want, but what we want and what we get are matters on which we need guarantees.

The Deputy raised a number of issues, some of which had been the subject matter of discussions at the Foreign Affairs Council.

Is it intended to open an embassy in Iran?

To answer Deputy Barrett directly, this issue is the subject matter of ongoing consideration and discussion. Over the past 12 months, there have been successful visits by Enterprise Ireland and An Bord Bia. Our ambassador who is currently responsible for the country of Iran and who is based in Ankara in Turkey visits the area regularly. I have met some parties who have recently returned from a trade delegation.

Quite bluntly, this is a matter of resources and of many competing demands faced by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, most important of which is the one raised by Deputy Barrett, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union. We are certainly keeping this issue under review. I would like to be in a position to report active progress on it. I am glad the nuclear deal appears to be holding. I accept what Deputy Barrett said in respect of recent elections in Iran. The matter of Ireland's engagement by way of a full-time ambassadorial presence in Iran is under active consideration. I would be happy to keep the committee informed. In the meantime, our Ankara representative has full accreditation in Iran.

I wish to go back to the issue raised by Deputy Darragh O’Brien, not for the first time. I have received a letter from the Chairman of this committee on the matter of clarification regarding last month's elections to the UN Commission on the Status of Women. Contrary to what has been said this morning, I have not disclosed the Irish vote, nor indeed will I.

I did not say that.

With the permission of the Chairman, I would like to contribute uninterrupted.

With regard to the broader issue of the promotion and defence of the human rights of women and girls by the United Nations, I can assure the Deputy that Ireland works actively on these issues and will continue to do so. During my visit to Saudi Arabia in November of last year, I specifically and deliberately raised human rights issues, including women's rights, with the Saudi Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. I assure the members of the committee that we will continue to use every opportunity to continue to convey Ireland's position on this issue.

I have been asked to review policy or change the policy in this regard. This is not an Irish policy. It is a UN policy. Since 1947, the rules of procedure governing elections at the United Nations provide that they take place by secret ballot.

Rule 92 makes it quite clear that all elections shall be held by secret ballot. I do not intend to depart from that unilaterally because UN engagement is a vital aspect of Irish foreign policy. Like all my predecessors, I do not propose to undermine Ireland's position at the United Nations, nor do I propose to undermine the functioning of the United Nations by departing from the practice of not publicly disclosing how we vote in secret ballot. It would be damaging to our ability to conduct international relations successfully. It would be damaging to our capacity to advance our values and concerns and the concerns of the Irish people if we were unilaterally to abandon a practice that has been in place for more than six decades and that flows directly from a rule of the United Nations.

If there are further issues, I will be happy to deal with them, but I will not undermine Ireland at the United Nations, nor will I undermine the United Nations.

No one is asking the Minister to do so.

I can give a host of examples and tell members about the consequences involved for us. For example, elections involving close partners take place on a regular basis. On average, there are in excess of 30 per annum and we do not disclose how we vote in them. I am not talking about hypothetical examples. It happens on a regular basis and this is one such example.

Deputy Seán Barrett mentioned Crimea. I assure him and the committee that we are unwavering in our support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and independence of Ukraine. There is a reform programme and we keep ourselves fully informed at EU level and on a bilateral basis. I visited Kiev the year before last and met senior Ministers. We continue to be most concerned about the situation in Ukraine.

Deputies Darragh O'Brien and Maureen O'Sullivan mentioned the issue of development. I assure them and the committee that the EU consensus on development was adopted last week by the Development Ministers in Brussels. It retains a very strong focus on the elimination of poverty. However, it also recognises the broad focus of the global development framework agreed at the United Nations and the sustainable development goals, in the development of which Ireland very much played a leading role, recognising the link between development, conflict and security, as well as economic development. We will continue to play a strong role in that regard.

Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan referred to Somaliland. We had recent contact with the authorities there. While fully recognising the sovereignty of Somalia, we understand there are issues to be addressed in the case of Somaliland. There was a technical visit last year by the President and Foreign Minister of Somaliland and we maintain contact through our ambassador in Nairobi who is accredited to Somalia.

I wish to refer briefly to the Middle East peace process. I acknowledge the support of the committee in that regard. I also acknowledge the existence of Dáil motions, the cross-party support and my strong support for a two-state solution. The Government remains committed to the recognition of the state of Palestine as part of a lasting settlement of the conflict. That commitment is contained in the programme for Government. My two visits to the region have contributed to its ongoing consideration and I discuss the question on a regular basis. I did so as recently as the last meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council. It is not a question of making up my mind or being unwilling to do so but one of ensuring the two-state solution is one on which we can ensure the support of other countries, particularly in the European Union. During his recent visit to Israel President Trump spoke in very positive terms about the peace process.

It has come to my attention in the past few days that there are some who are seeking to bring pressure to bear to have a cancellation of a reading by the Israeli novelist, Dorit Rabinyan, at the Dublin International Literary Festival this Saturday. I express my concern about this and my rejection of efforts to bring about the cancellation of the event and move towards a cultural boycott. There are no circumstances in which I would agree with it. I have no difficulty, as Deputy Darragh O'Brien and I have stated in the House, in raising concerns and those of Members on all sides about the continued occupation with the Israeli authorities - with the ambassador in Dublin, as I have done, and directly with Prime Minister Netanyahu and with a number of his Ministers - but I have no time for censorship or silencing the voices of those who might disagree with us or who might simply challenge us. To try to silence artists, those who have a role in society in challenging all of us, is to head down a very dangerous path which I hope all those present will reject.

I am aware of the prisoner issue in Israel, in particular Palestinian prisoners, and acknowledge what Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan said. It is a sensitive issue, but I cannot support the use of hunger strikes. I am anxious to avoid using language which might not be helpful, but the overriding concern is to avoid a tragic outcome. I have made my concerns known to the Israeli ambassador here, as have the EU heads of mission in Jerusalem and our own representative in Ramallah. I do not accept in any circumstance that there is value in people withdrawing from self-nourishment. It is entirely unhelpful and detrimental to one's health. I advise the Deputy that there have been reports in recent days that moves to resolve the hunger strike may be nearing success. I wish the parties engaging in that process every success. I have continually repeated my condemnation and opposition to the continued advancement of settlements and also spoken about EU funded projects and property.

On Saudi involvement in Yemen, I raised directly the impact of the conflict on civilians and civilian infrastructure with the Emirates Foreign Minister on two occasions when he was here and when I was in the Emirates late last year. I also raised the issue when I was in Saudi Arabia last November.

Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan referred to the situation in Libya and is right in what she said. The political situation there is complex, difficult and challenging. I note the point she made about migration, but the recent meeting between the Prime Minister of the UN-backed government of national accord in the west and Field Marshall Haftar in the east was a step in the right direction. I accept that it may be some time before a solution acceptable to all sides is reached, but Ireland continues to support the formation of a functioning government under the framework of a Libyan political agreement. I reiterate that a Libyan owned and led political solution remains the only way forward for the benefit of its people. Ireland fully supports the European Union's participation in the Quartet.

I advise Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan that there has been a decrease in the number of migrants from the eastern Mediterranean region, but there has been an increase in the central Mediterranean region to which she referred. This is an issue that Ireland monitors closely. I acknowledge the work of the Naval Service in the region. The Deputy mentioned reports of serious mistreatment and abuse experienced by migrants in Libya, which we condemn. In February the Foreign Affairs Council of the European Union called on the Libyan authorities to redouble their efforts to improve the promotion of human rights, especially in migrant detention centres, given the vulnerability of migrants. We need to ensure a strong focus on capacity building, strengthening the Libyan coastguard and improving reception centres for migrants along the Libyan coast.

The next group comprises Deputy Crowe, Senator Bacik, Deputy McLoughlin and Senator Lawless.

The Minister referred to the 1,500 Palestinians on hunger strike and said he is not in favour of the use of hunger strikes. Does he not accept that, for those who go on hunger strike, it is not a step that is taken lightly but is, rather, an act of desperation? Does he not accept that many of their demands, such as access to longer and more regular family visits and to medical care, are reasonable and, as would be the case in any democratic society, should be acceded to? These are basic demands that one would imagine any society would deliver to prisoners.

The Minister said he raised his concerns. What are his concerns regarding the situation in Palestine? Would he accept that Israel continues to violate international human rights law with impunity? Is that part of the concerns the Minister raised with the Israeli Embassy here in Dublin?

The Minister said that Egypt was discussed at the February Foreign Affairs Council meeting. The Egyptian Foreign Minister joined the lunchtime discussion. I presume the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, raised the Ibrahim Halawa case with him. Did he encourage other EU Foreign Ministers to raise Mr. Halawa's case and call for the immediate release of this European Union citizen who has now spent almost four years in jail? As the Minister knows, Mr. Halawa's trial has been adjourned 25 times. Recently, the Minister has been trying to put a positive spin on the ongoing illegal incarceration of Mr. Halawa by pointing to witness testimony being heard and to shorter adjournments. Has he ever pointed out that, under Egyptian pre-trial law, detention, particularly for a minor, in excess of two years is illegal? Why has the Minister not raised that publicly? Why has he not also pointed out that Mr. Halawa's name does not even appear on the book of evidence linking him to any alleged crimes? Why has that not been raised in public discourse?

I am concerned that the Minister is lending some sort of legitimacy to this mass-trial process that does not stand up to even the most basic international or democratic standards. I can only assume that his putting a positive spin on matters will take attention away from what, up to now, has been a failed, quiet diplomacy strategy. Mr. Halawa's next trial date is not for another six weeks. He continues to spend his time in prison despite allegations of sexual assault and despite an Irish doctor calling for his immediate release on health grounds. Will the Minister finally act and pursue an international legal challenge against Egypt over its treatment of this Irish citizen?

I do not believe that Western Sahara has been referred to by anyone. I am very concerned about the efforts of the European Commission to renegotiate adoption of the protocols of the association agreement between the EU and Morocco. Was this discussed at April's Foreign Affairs Council? In April the Commission wrote to member states asking them to give it a mandate to negotiate a revised agreement with Morocco that would allow the Union to continue importing goods from Western Sahara, including fish, phosphates and tomatoes, which would enter the EU market under the same trade regime as goods coming from Morocco. The details of the Commission's proposal are not public, but it appears that its plan consists of efforts to circumvent the December 2016 ruling of the European Court of Justice in Polisario v. Council which annulled the EU-Morocco agreement because it illegally applied to Western Sahara. It seems that the Commission now wants to negotiate exclusively with Morocco and ignore the legitimate and UN-recognised representative people of Western Sahara, the Polisario Front. That confuses the people of Western Sahara with the population there, which is made up of a majority of Moroccan settlers and the few remaining Sahrawi people who have not been forced to flee. Is it seeking some Moroccan institution or body to provide the consent of the population while the European Court of Justice stated that Western Sahara is a distinct and separate entity?

Is the Minister concerned that the Commission that led the EU into this situation where the European Court of Justice had to annul the previous EU-Morocco agreement is now trying to involve member states in another act of illegality which would undoubtedly be challenged, and presumably annulled, by the Polisario Front at another EU court? Is he concerned that the European Commission seems to want to undermine the landmark ruling of the European Court of Justice? What is Ireland's position on the matter?

The Minister mentioned Turkey and the fact that this committee met Faysal Sariyildiz, an MP for the HDP. We are all aware of the appalling prison conditions under which many of the HDP MPs and mayors are being held. Many are being kept in solitary confinement. We are aware of the oppression of the Kurdish community in the south-east of the country. The Minister referred to the Turkish referendum called by President Erdoan. What is the Irish position on that referendum? I am a member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, PACE. Two of the members of PACE monitored the referendum in Turkey. President Erdoan appeared on Turkish television to state that these two members, who were monitoring on behalf of PACE, were sympathetic to terrorists. Does the Minister have a view on that? Is he concerned about the health and well-being of HDP MPs who remain in jail in Turkey? Does he believe they should be released? Is the Minister aware that two Turkish teachers who were dismissed from their jobs and went on hunger strike have been detained by police in Ankara and there are fears that they may be force-fed?

There was a question about linking development co-operation policies, instruments and budgets to migration management and border control. The concern is that, in the context of the return, readmission and integration of nationals, the EU is using the leverage of its relevant policies, instruments and tools, including those relating to development and trade. Does Ireland agree with this apparent shift in policy on development aid? We know that there are 750 million poor and vulnerable people, half of them living in Africa, that 20 million people are at risk of starvation and that 64 million are living as refugees or are internally displaced. Would the Minister agree that it is wrong for the EU to focus on migration when there is such poverty and inequality?

I have other questions, but the Chairman is nodding at me.

I welcome the Minister. I support Deputy Crowe on raising the Ibrahim Halawa case. I would like the Minister to outline what can be done to ensure that greater pressure is put on the Egyptian authorities to bring about Mr. Halawa's release.

On Ireland's vote in respect of the election of Saudi Arabia to the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, the Minister said he does not propose to seek to change UN policy not to disclose votes. On this occasion, the US had called for a vote, as I understand it, which would not normally have happened. Usually, where there are the same number of countries proposed as there are places on the commission, there is no vote.

Given that the United States in changing that practice really expressed disapproval of Saudi Arabia's candidacy for the council, given its appalling treatment of women and girls, can the Minister say if Ireland would at least support moves by other countries to change the disclosure situation on voting, particularly where the votes of other member states of the EU on this particular vote were in fact disclosed to the press and to the public?

The issue of Palestine has also been raised by other members but I note that the Minister did not answer Deputy Darragh O'Brien's question as to why he has not acted on the commitment in the programme for Government and on previous Seanad and Dáil motions to recognise the state of Palestine, given the Government's stated support for a two-state solution, the fact that we are now approaching the 50th anniversary of Israeli occupation, and ongoing concerns around human rights abuses by the Israeli state. Could the Minister comment specifically on the commitment to recognise the state of Palestine and what we can do further on that and why it has not been done to date?

The issue of Turkey has again been raised. I was among those members who met representatives from the People's Democratic Party, HDP, last week and they spoke to us of appalling treatment by the Turkish Government of the Kurdish population in certain regions and districts in Turkey. I know that Minister said that he met the Turkish Minister for the Economy in April when he came to Ireland. If we were to communicate with the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, the disclosures made to us by the Kurdish representatives here perhaps he could say if he could then meet the Turkish ambassador to bring those concerns to him. I know that he is meeting the Turkish authorities on an ongoing basis. There are huge concerns of course among EU governments about the ongoing detentions, the mass sackings of public servants in Turkey, the show trials, and the arrests and detentions of large numbers of individuals there. This is a specific matter that the Kurdish representatives brought to us last week and I would be grateful if the Minister could raise it directly with the Turkish ambassador.

My final points concern Syria and the migration issue and I am grateful to Trócaire and to the Irish Syria Solidarity Movement who have communicated some serious concerns to me about ongoing issues there. We know that the terrible humanitarian crisis continues in Syria. John Ging spoke to the committee last week of the more than 600,000 persons still under siege in Syria. There are real concerns about forcible displacement of families; we are hearing about up to 2,000 families being forcibly displaced per week and we know that Idlib in particular has seen a large number of forcible displacements. Can the Minister say what Ireland is doing to increase protection of civilians in Syria? Can we seek, for example, to have Irish agencies operating in Idlib? I do not think that they are at present and maybe he could comment on that. Can we seek to see air-drops of aid into besieged communities in Syria? Can we look at the countries that are supporting the brutal Assad regime? I listened with interest to Deputy Barret's comments about Iran and engagement with Iran but clearly Iran is complicit in much of what is going on in Syria and many of the actions of the regime. Has the EU or has Ireland considered the question of further sanctions on Iran in respect of its involvement in the Syrian catastrophe? How can the EU counter the malign and growing influence of Russia as a huge force behind and supportive of Assad's regime in Syria? The Minister has spoken eloquently about the Russian invasion of Ukraine and Crimea and we are all conscious that the EU already has sanctions against Russia. How can the EU act in a more concerted manner to prevent or check Russia's growing and what most of us would see as malign influence in so many areas in Syria and in Ukraine in particular?

I am delighted to hear from the Minister that the Government supports the two-state solution for Palestine and Israel. I would like to let him know, however, that there was a meeting held here last week by Senator Black for the Irish Friends of Palestine. It was a meeting to which she invited all of us and I attended along with three or four other Senators to observe. Within hours the American Friends of Israel were on to my assistant in Chicago asking why I was at the meeting, if I was a member of the Friends of Palestine and if he would please explain my presence. It is outrageous that a member of the Seanad is questioned about going to a meeting set up by one of his colleagues to be informed about the situation. I would like to bring that to the Minister's attention.

On the issue of the terrible atrocities, and this may not be in the Minister's remit, but my brother has been in Dubai for the past 25 years and is very involved with government circles over there. He tells me that every week all the imams' speeches have to be handed in to the government for scrutiny to ensure that there is no radicalisation preached in their sermons and that there is full access to attend. In view of what is happening in Europe and the terrible atrocity that happened in Manchester in the last number of days, these attacks are the work of radicalised individuals, born in the very countries they target. We need to be on the alert here and bring out some measures that will protect our own people.

The Minister knows of my involvement with the undocumented Irish. Are there any plans in this regard? We have to think outside the box because we know that there will be no immigration reform in the United States this year. About two months ago President Trump had a bipartisan meeting with Senators from both parties. He said he would look favourably towards the Senate Bill that was passed in 2013, which gave us 10,500 non-immigrant visas in perpetuity. This was a real coup for us. There was no objection at that time to the granting of those. Of course it never got to the House. Should we go down an avenue where we would give reciprocal visas to US citizens who want to come to work here, especially now in light of Brexit and American companies hoping to locate here? I would like to see if there are any plans to do that or if it is an avenue worth opening in Europe.

My apologies for leaving. We have Brexit discussions in the Seanad all day today, something that the Minister has been working hard on and I congratulate him and his team on ensuring that Ireland is one of the three key issues to be resolved prior to any trade discussions between the UK and the EU. One of the key things to emerge from research that I have done for the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement is that there was a special status for East Germany with regard to trade between East and West Germany prior to the wall coming down and that it was effectively treated, in trading terms, as a member of the European Union. That might be something that could be used as a precedent for trade, if not between Ireland and the UK then certainly between Ireland and Northern Ireland. It is a little-known field and there is very little research and hard data on it, given the nature of the issue between East and West Germany, but it is something that we could use in respect of the special status for Northern Ireland.

On the issue of securing at the Heads of Government meeting a declaration on the issue of a united Ireland that would be provided for in the final agreement, that declaration is very important and it is obviously also important that it comply with the Good Friday Agreement.

Regarding issues that have come up before the committee and some that the Minister has touched on, we have had great discussions here about consulates and honorary consulates and we got an excellent strategy briefing document on this from the Minister's officials this morning. There does not seem to be a ten-year plan, however, on where we will roll out consulates. We had previously been told that there was no data available to the committee on where the Irish are globally although that was clarified subsequently and we got a reply from the Minister's Secretary General saying that the Department has the data and is working on it. There does not however seem to be a ten-year plan on where these consulates are going to be, as opposed to how they are to be identified and appointed. It seems to be the case that we look at regions or countries only if we are asked by an ambassador to do so, rather than saying that we are going to target them.

I would like to sit down with the Minster and the Secretary General on a specific issue relating to the United States, namely, the concerns of staff in the Irish embassies and consulates in New York about pension rights.

There seems to be an issue within the Irish embassies and consulates in New York, in that staff are concerned about pension rights and the fact that they are stuck in a limbo between US and Irish pensions and getting neither. After all of their years of service over there, they will have to survive on a non-contributory Irish pension, believe it or not. That issue needs to be addressed.

On the question of illegal settlements and EU law on goods coming from the occupied territories, is there any plan to ensure that these goods are identified in Ireland? I am concerned about what happened to Senator Lawless. It was outrageous. They might do that in America and believe that they can intimidate Members of these Houses for speaking out, but this is not America and Ireland will not be afraid to speak out. According to a report by 22 NGOs to the EU, the European Commission has confirmed that member states can unilaterally adopt measures to restrict trade on the basis of regulation No. 260/2009 if justified on the grounds of public morality, public policy or public security. Given the fact that it is referred to as an illegal occupation and this is its 50th anniversary, will the Government consider taking action in that regard?

The committee has a concern about the foreign policy strategy that was given to us in draft form. The concern relates to the EU's creeping militarisation and how the first draft of our foreign policy strategy document made no mention of neutrality. That sent the wrong message to Europe. I can give the Minister the draft. We sorted it out in the final document, but only after going back and forth over it.

I will revert to the work that has been done on Brexit. Well done to the Minister. We do not often compliment him, but we do when a job is done well. We will not agree everything in the strategy, but the declaration on Ireland by the Heads of Government was an important step.

Before I ask the Minister to conclude, I will refer to a few issues that he mentioned regarding the migration crisis. Unfortunately again, there was the loss of 30 lives in the Mediterranean yesterday. I understand that they were mainly toddlers. It shows the gravity of this ongoing humanitarian crisis. Senator Bacik referred to Mr. John Ging's presentation to the committee last week. There are so many humanitarian crises throughout the world, there is a danger that some may become forgotten - South Sudan, north-east Nigeria, etc. Have these featured at the Foreign Affairs Council? Does the Minister expect the Middle East peace process to be an item at the next Council meeting following US President Trump's visit to the region?

Is Brexit an item on the Council's monthly agenda from the point of view of its effects on the Common Foreign and Security Policy? Where I come from in Cavan-Monaghan, its effect on Europe's foreign policy is not the issue that keeps people awake. Rather, its economic effect, the difficulties that may arise and the risk of losing momentum in the peace process and the major advances that we have made on this island since 1998 are what concern the people whom I have the privilege of representing in Dáil Éireann.

In that context and regarding markets, where difficulties will arise for many sectors due to Brexit, is the Russian ban on certain products from the EU considered at the Foreign Affairs Council? The Russian Federation imposed sanctions in August 2014, particularly on certain agrifood products. That has had a significant knock-on effect on Ireland's export potential and the prices available for products. For example, the pigmeat sector's substantial market in Russia was lost due to the ban. Commissioner Hogan has stated that negotiations are ongoing, but is this issue kept under consideration by the Foreign Affairs Council, given its importance? When a market is reduced, it has a knock-on adverse impact on the prices available to primary producers and processors.

I apologise to Deputies O'Sullivan and Barrett, who raised a number of issues that I did not refer to in my previous round. On the basis that Deputy O'Sullivan is required for further business, I would be happy to arrange for a bilateral briefing with a senior official on the particular matter of the electoral register to address the Deputy's concerns about where we are going in that regard. We might arrange that for next week.

The Deputy also raised the issue of Yemen. Ireland has an involvement there from a humanitarian point of view. I raised this specific issue in the context of my bilateral engagements with the foreign Minister of the Arab Emirates and in Saudi Arabia.

I apologise to Deputy Barrett for not referencing Brexit in my reply. The Chairman is correct, in that this is a major engagement under my departmental priorities and I assure Deputy Barrett that we have a strong and active team, working in concert with the Taoiseach, his Department and the Cabinet committee, that was specifically inaugurated to deal with the challenge of the UK's withdrawal from the EU.

Turning to Senator Daly, a bespoke political solution will be required, one that recognises the unique circumstances on the island of Ireland. This is an issue that has been debated in plenary sessions of the Parliament and the Seanad has a particular mandate in that regard. I welcome committee engagements and the views of Members of the Houses. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade will continue to maintain our pursuit of effective and realisable measures to address the many areas of concern across the Government in terms of Brexit. This includes the need to have our unique circumstances fully recognised.

At Foreign Affairs Council level, I have had almost 100 meetings with my colleagues. At every Council meeting in Brussels, I arrange a number of key bilaterals in order to ensure that Ireland's priorities are not only realised, but accepted across the EU. I acknowledge Senator Daly's comments in that regard, as it is important that we continue to prioritise Ireland's issues, notwithstanding the favourable regard to Ireland in the context of the guidelines. We will maintain our focus and continue to engage at the highest level. If the committee wishes to put Brexit as a single item on its agenda at any stage, I am happy to return to discuss the issues.

The European Council agreed that it would lead on Brexit. Having regard to the fact that there are a number of policy areas for other Councils, we take our lead from the European Council. The General Affairs Council, which is attended by my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, has engaged actively in formulating the principles, practices and procedures for negotiation. I keep regular contact with him and the Taoiseach.

I assure Deputy Barrett that we are fully equipped. Since the referendum result, we have been in a position to augment our teams in key EU locations, with particular reference to London, Paris, Berlin and Brussels, which is the nerve centre of our activities in that regard.

Deputy Barrett mentioned specifically Commissioner Barnier and his visit to the Border. That visit was at my invitation and I was with him. I believe it is very important that not only Commissioner Barnier but also a number of EU Foreign Ministers would have the opportunity of visiting our Border, not to look around at suitable locations for further activity but to see the "seamless" nature of the Border, to quote the British Prime Minister, and to ensure that as strong as possible a case continues to be made for the maintenance of our open Border. Commissioner Barnier was struck by the invisible nature of our Border. We had been telling him that the Border between North and South was invisible and that we wished that open Border to be maintained, irrespective of what happens. I am looking forward to taking my colleague the Danish Foreign Minister on a similar field trip, having had key Members of the European Parliament visit the Border in recent weeks as well as my colleague, the Luxembourg Foreign Minister, the most senior member of the Foreign Affairs Council. I am anxious to ensure that, once Ireland's issues are prioritised at EU level, they can actually see it by visiting the Border. I was pleased that Commissioner Barnier took time out to walk the Border.

Very briefly on a number of other-----

I was just responding to comments that were being made about this. I welcome the Minister's clarification. I think it is important. In raising the issue I was giving the opportunity to put these facts on the record.

I understand that the Commissioner was speaking hypothetically about various possible scenarios. It is impossible to quantify any of this until such time as the negotiations actually commence and then the game becomes clear and there is a greater level of clarification. It is important that, from our point of view as a key member of the EU 27 in the negotiations, we continue to highlight and prioritise our strategic national interests.

On the matter of the Saudi vote, there is no evidence in the instant case that the US called for a vote on the Commission on the Status of Women in any way related to the position of Saudi Arabia or any candidate. It did not say why it called a vote. However, even if a vote is called, the calling of the vote or the conduct of the vote is entirely within the rules - rule 92 or whatever it is - that I have already quoted from, which is that it be governed by a secret ballot. This is a rule. I do not see how I can unilaterally depart from the rule, which would have an undermining effect on Ireland in the UN, as well as the UN's conduct of its own business.

On the matter of recognition of the state of Palestine and comments of Deputy Crowe, Senators Bacik and Mark Daly and others, the matter is included in the programme for Government where we are committed to recognising. I am keeping under review whether immediate recognition by Ireland of the state of Palestine prior to its real achievement on the ground can be a helpful step towards resolving what is an ongoing and long-standing conflict of huge complexity. I visited the region. I intend visiting it again. Immediate recognition would be a largely symbolic action. There are arguments for and against doing so at this time. I have not so far recommended to Government that the state of Palestine be recognised. Of course I support and have for many years supported, as indeed does this Government and previous Governments, the two-state solution, as does the European Union. However, I am not yet convinced that the balance of these arguments is in favour of immediate recognition now. I say to the Chair, as a Chairman of a foreign affairs committee, that if and when I am, I will do so without hesitation. I am anxious to continue to hear the submissions and position of this committee.

I am concerned about the hunger strikes. I do not support hunger strikes, as Deputy Crowe will know. I again acknowledge that there are real concerns about the use and the nature of detention in Israel. My officials have raised this issue with the embassy in Israel and I have raised it myself. It has also been raised through the head of the EU delegation on the ground.

I opposed the settlement expansion. I have said that on numerous public occasions, both here in our Houses of Parliament, at EU level and directly in the context of my meetings with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu. I will continue to express on behalf of Ireland our concerns in this region. As a member of the Foreign Affairs Council, this is an issue that regularly features on the agenda of the EU Foreign Affairs Council. The EU has taken a number of actions to differentiate between Israel and illegal Israeli settlements including a number of initiatives relating to certification, advising against investment and requiring accurate labelling of settlement goods. I will continue to take a deep interest in that.

Mention was made by Deputy Crowe and others of the matter of Egypt and reference was made to Ibrahim Halawa, the Irish citizen detained in Egypt without a trial having being concluded. I do not put any positive spin on this issue. I am very concerned as to the length of time it is taking to have this criminal case dealt with and a conclusion reached. I raised the issue directly with my colleague, Foreign Minister Shoukry, at the meeting to which Deputy Crowe refers. I avail of every opportunity, even as recently as last week, to address the issue directly with Egypt's ambassador here in Dublin.

We continue to work hard and diligently on our behalf of our citizen on the issue of formal legal proceedings. There are time issues involved here. I would be very concerned at the Irish Government embarking on a protracted process of legal proceedings that might take years to complete. I would be concerned that there may be an adverse impact on the position of our citizen should we embark on the issue of legal proceedings. I acknowledge what the judge has said in a recent hearing of the case when he acknowledged that progress has been made, as well as the number of witnesses that have given evidence. I regard that as progress in the case. However, I do not engage in the putting of any positive spin on what is a very serious issue.

My Department deals with 3,000 consular cases annually. This is now heading towards ten consular cases a week and is a challenge that could be the subject matter of a particular debate here should the committee members require. This is one of the greatest challenges facing the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade as a consequence of more Irish people travelling abroad more frequently. There was a 20% increase in the number of Irish passports and the Department is dealing with perhaps up to 30 new cases per week on a consular basis. No case in the history of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has been accorded such priority or resourcing as the case of Ibrahim Halawa. I regret that the progress is such that we have not had a conclusion to the case. I wish to see it. I am concerned at the matter being adjourned, but adjourned now in recent times with progress having been reported. The return date of 4 July next is some weeks away.

It is important to note, in the context of Egypt's criminal justice system and the holding of courts there, that courts are not regularly held in the course of the Ramadan period. The return date is 4 July and the next hearing is to be scheduled for then. My officials will be present, as they have been on each and every occasion.

In the meantime, let me stress the importance of ensuring that health and welfare concerns, which have been brought to my Department's attention, are being fully dealt with by the Egyptian authorities in conjunction with full consultation with the Irish authorities. Our ambassador and team on the ground will continue to engage at consular level by way of visits and engaging with his family at every opportunity.

Senator Bacik mentioned EU-Russia relations both on the matter of the situation in Ukraine raised by Deputy Barrett and on Russian actions in Syria, which have been profoundly damaging to Europe's relations with Russia. The full implementation of Russia's obligations under the Minsk agreements remains a key concern for the European Union. What Senator Bacik has said in respect of Syria is a matter of continued concern. As a member of the European Union and as the sovereign Irish Government, we see a political, not a military, solution in Syria as being the only way forward. In the meantime, the Irish engagement in the relief of human suffering will continue.

On the Chairman's questions, I assure him that we will continue to prioritise the matter of Brexit in my Department. The Chairman mentioned EU sanctions in response to Russia's aggression towards Ukraine and Russia's continued involvement in what can only be described as an undermining of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The current sanctions have had an impact. The current sanctions remain a key source of influence. They are kept under review. The current round of EU restrictions on sanctions from an economic perspective has been extended to 23 June this year. They will be reviewed but in my view, any relaxation of sanctions must only be considered when there is clear evidence to support a measure of concrete progress that we all wish to see on the ground in eastern Ukraine. I am not sure if that is evident at present.

I will turn briefly to Senator Lawless's continued engagement, indeed leadership, in these Houses and beyond, on the matter of the undocumented Irish, which is a key priority for the Irish Government. I had the opportunity of raising the issue on my visit to the United States shortly after the inauguration of President Trump. It formed a key pillar of the Taoiseach's engagement in March. Our embassy in Washington, as well as our consulates across the United States, remain fully in contact with representatives of the Irish community. It is our priority. I would be happy to engage with Senator Lawless bilaterally or with this committee, in this regard. I note this is a long-standing issue in which the Chairman has expressed an interest and it is important for the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, and Defence of our Parliament to continue to engage at the highest level on this matter, the complexity and challenge of which are well known to us all.

Senator Mark Daly mentions honorary consuls - a network of 98. There is a practice and procedure involved by way of ensuring that these issues are not only kept under constant review but that there is a consistency in the manner in which these appointments and interactions are made. Officials have met Senator Daly and we would certainly be happy for them to do so again. I acknowledge the important role that our team of honorary consuls plays across the world. I note Senator Daly has raised some issues, with particularly reference to the United States. We would be happy to engage with him on that.

Issues with Turkey have been mentioned by Deputy Crowe and Senator Bacik. I would be happy to convey any message from this committee directly to the Turkish authorities. Following the committee's meeting last week with representatives of the Turkish political administration, I and my officials would be happy to take any position the committee might adopt, directly to the embassy or further at my opportunities, to convey the views of the committee to Turkish Ministers, either at Council of Europe level when we have the opportunity of direct engagement or in the context of my bilateral arrangements with Turkey. The issue of the post-coup climate in Turkey is one of concern, particularly with regard to human rights and in the aftermath of the recent referendum. I assure members of the committee that Ireland's voice will not be silent in raising these issues.

What is the position on the referendum? I also asked about Western Sahara.

Deputy Crowe mentioned Morocco and Western Sahara.

There are a number of investigations, which are consequent on the referendum. A number of reports have been sought. They are not yet completed. Indeed, given the close result of the referendum, 51.3% to 49.7%, there are a number of reports, from the OSCE, the Council of Europe and others, expected in the course of the summer months. Ireland will frame its position on the basis of the result of these reports.

Briefly, on Western Sahara and Morocco, Ireland categorised Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory. We support the right to self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. We do not have a firm view of the outcome of that decision - whether it is autonomy, integration or some other solution in the form of a number of options - provided that this is decided on the basis of a genuine exercise of self-determination.

We have taken careful note of a Court of Justice decision of last year before the end of the year and the possible renegotiation of the association agreement or amendments to the association agreement is currently under discussion at EU level. This is a complex issue. It will involve charting a way towards the reconciliation of practical issues, such as certifying the origin of goods and the monitoring of implementation with matters of principle relating to the consent or otherwise of the people of the region in Western Sahara. I would be happy to keep the committee apprised of developments in that regard.

I thank the Minister for his presentation here today and for dealing with a variety of questions covering many subjects. With regard to a specific meeting on Brexit, we would be glad to take up that offer. The clerk to the committee will contact the Minister's officials regarding a suitable time.

I thank the Chairman.

I propose the committee now go into private session. Is that agreed? Agreed.

The joint committee went into private session at 11.38 a.m. and adjourned at 11.57 a.m. until 9.30 a.m. on Thursday, 22 June 2017.
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