We are being joined by the Tánaiste and our first question comes from-----
Ceisteanna ó Cheannairí - Leaders' Questions
Tá sé ag teacht.
Tá sé ag teacht. Cosúil le Guinness, tá sé ag teacht.
Tá sé anseo. Tagann an chéad cheist ón Teachta Pearse Doherty. Bhí air taisteal i bhfad ó Dhún na nGall chun a bheith anseo.
Bhí an traein mall inniu. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Tánaiste. Faoina Rialtas, tá praghas na dteach ag méadú le bliain anuas. Méadú de 7% a chonaic muid inné. Ar fud an Stáit anois, tá meánphraghas €400,000 ar thithe do dhaoine atá ag iarraidh teach úr a cheannacht.
Yesterday, the CSO reported that in the past year house prices have continued to skyrocket, rising by more than 7%. Since the Government took office, the average house price in Carrigaline in the Tánaiste's constituency has increased by almost €100,000. Nearly half the houses in Carrigaline are being sold for more than €400,000. Under the Government, homes are becoming less affordable across the State, in every county and community, yet the Government crows that its housing plan is working and claims it has turned a corner. Across the State, first-time buyers now face an average price of €400,000 to buy a new-build home. On what planet is this affordable for ordinary workers and families? I hope the Tánaiste answers that question.
The rate of home ownership has fallen to its lowest level in 50 years under this Government. Homelessness is rising and house prices surging out of control. The numbers do not lie. The housing crisis is getting worse, not better. The number of new homes coming onto the market for people to buy and own fell last year and has flatlined under this Government. Investment companies and vulture funds are hoovering up properties to rent out at extortionate prices, but that is not a solution to the housing crisis.
Even those profiting on the back of people's misery are telling everyone the Government's housing plan will not make homes more affordable. Yesterday one of the biggest trade unions in the State warned the housing and affordability crisis is threatening our public services, with teachers, nurses and gardaí unable to find affordable accommodation in cities, towns and villages across the State. Businesses are telling us, and I am sure they are telling the Tánaiste, that the housing crisis is undermining our economy. Employers tell us they find it difficult to attract and retain staff. That is happening all around, yet Government Members have the cheek to say the housing plan is working and things are getting better despite the reality staring them blatantly in the face.
The Tánaiste's party created this housing crisis. Under Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, it is getting worse. What are they delivering? Their affordable housing targets are pitifully low and they are not even meeting those targets, with too many of the properties that are being delivered simply too expensive. The Government's housing policy is designed to push up prices and that is exactly what it is doing.
Who are the losers in all of this? It is the ordinary people of Ireland who are losing out under Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil's disastrous housing policies as house prices continue to spiral out of control. It is the young people forced to live with their parents into their 30s, putting their lives on hold, or worse, are forced to emigrate because they see no future in this land. It is the families trapped in a rip-off rental market who do not have any hope of owning their own home. That is why we need a change of government and a housing policy that would see the State start to deliver tens of thousands of homes that working people can afford.
I will ask the Tánaiste a very simple question on a commitment he personally gave. We are over four years since the general election. He personally gave a commitment to the electorate that, if elected, he would deliver 50,000 affordable homes to purchase at less than €250,000. My question is: where are those homes are today? I am sure many people are scratching their heads asking the same question. The Government's policy has driven house prices out of control and out of reach of ordinary families. What does the Tánaiste say to people in his constituency and across the State who are being asked to fork out €400,000-plus to buy a new build?
At dtús báire, ní aontaím leis an Teachta. Níl aon amhras orm ach go bhfuil an straitéis Housing for All i bhfad níos fearr ná aon rud atá foilsithe aige féin nó ag a pháirtí, Sinn Féin. Níl aon amhras dá mba rud é go raibh siad sa Rialtas, go mbeadh an scéal i bhfad níos measa agus go mbeadh praghasanna i bhfad níos airde, go háirid do dhaoine atá ag ceannach tithe don chéad uair.
I disagree fundamentally with the Deputy's narrative and approach. Building houses is key. Fianna Fáil took up the housing portfolio at the start of this Government because historically Fianna Fáil has built houses.
So you take responsibility then.
Through the decades and generations of this country's history, Fianna Fáil built houses. In terms of what is happening right now, the commencement notices provide extraordinary figures for the first four months of this year. Some 18,000 new houses were commenced in April 2024. That is approximately 600% higher than last year and the highest in any month since the series began in 2014. In the first four months of 2024, more than 30,000 houses were commenced. That is hugely above last year's figures. In the past 12 months, from May 2023 to May 2024, approximately 53,000 homes have commenced. There is momentum in house construction in this country.
Where are the affordable houses?
We are trying to create sustainability through the future Ireland fund, which Sinn Féin Deputies voted against yesterday. In the infrastructure fund that is part of that, we want to build in capital reserves so we can keep building houses at a sustainable rate into the future. Deputy Doherty told Davy stockbrokers he would support the future Ireland fund, then voted against it in the Dáil yesterday. It is classic. He is Dr. Jekyll to Davy stockbrokers but Mr. Hyde when he comes into the Dáil. I know which personality I believe in.
The Tánaiste was asked a question about house prices.
Rising house prices.
What should the Irish people believe when it comes to Sinn Féin housing policy? Deputy Doherty talks about house prices increasing. I do not like house prices increasing at the rate they are doing.
Then change your policy.
The rate has come down, but not enough.
It is not; it is accelerating.
The key to it is supply. Sinn Féín said it would remove the help-to-buy scheme. He voted against the first home scheme and the capital refurbishment grants----
We will build tens of thousands of affordable homes.
-----in terms of vacancy and dereliction. The net outcome of Sinn Féin policies would be a substantial and significant increase in house prices for first-time buyers. There are 450 per week now buying houses for the first time.
Second-hand homes.
Sinn Féin policies would take away the supports we have put in place for first-time buyers that enable them to buy houses at unprecedented rates----
Where are the affordable homes the Tánaiste promised?
Deputy Ó Broin, it is not your question.
------in the past number of years. The number of first-time buyers is increasing because of the Government's policies over the past four years-----
Rising rents, rising house prices.
-----across the help-to-buy scheme, first home scheme and the various affordable schemes.
On the social housing front, Deputy Doherty has to acknowledge there have been significant increases-----
In homelessness.
-----in new builds, with 8,800 last year, and in delivery of social homes.
Deputy Ó Broin, you are usurping the role of the leader.
I do not think he minds.
Will you allow the Tánaiste to answer please?
We would be delighted if he would answer the question the leader asked.
It was a very simple question.
Maybe that is after the poll.
I appreciate the leadership ambitions of Deputy Ó Broin. They are clear, but in a more serious vein-----
My only ambition is to build affordable homes, something the Government promised and has refused to do.
-----we are talking about pricing and affordability. Sinn Féin policies would undermine the capacity of first-time buyers to buy homes at an affordable price-----
There are no affordable homes.
-----because they would get rid of all the underpinning supports we have put in place. With the LDA through Project Tosaigh and others, we are moving very fast to get affordable houses on the market.
What planet is the Tánaiste living on? He stood there and said the rate of increase of house prices is coming down. He should open his eyes. It is accelerating. It is increasing month-on-month. We have had ten months of house price increases. In the Tánaiste's constituency, house prices are €100,000 higher than when he took office just four years ago.
The Tánaiste tries to lecture us in the Opposition. You could not make this up. Home ownership in Ireland is at its lowest level in 50 years under the Government. Fianna Fáil took the office of the Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage. I asked a simple question. The Tánaiste made a personal promise and made a commitment to the electorate. He said that if he got into Government he would deliver 50,000 affordable houses at prices that would be less than €250,000. I am asking where they are because nobody can find them anywhere. They are not in Cork, they are not in Donegal and they are not in Dublin. The Government has not delivered the houses and its policies are pushing up house prices.
Why is the Deputy shouting? We can hear him.
How do we know? The Central Statistics Office is telling us. The Government is locking out an entire generation from home ownership and locking people into sky-high rents. The vulture funds and investors are sweeping up those houses and renting them out at astronomical prices. That is Government policy.
The Deputy's time is up.
I will ask a simple question again. The Tánaiste can shake his head all he wants. Where are the 50,000 affordable houses that he promised to deliver that would cost less than €250,000? Please answer that question.
It is noticeable from his reply that the Deputy avoided any response to the fundamental problem-----
It is Leaders' Questions.
Build the homes.
Through the Chair.
Answer the question.
Please Deputies.
There are 550 first-time buyers each week now buying their first home. Mortgage drawdowns by first-time buyers reached a new peak at almost 26,000 in 2023. That is the highest annual level since 2007.
When Fianna Fáil crashed the economy.
Listening to the Deputy one would be forgiven for thinking that none of that is happening. What has been important in that is the expanded help-to-buy scheme of €30,000 to support home ownership.
It pushes up house prices.
More than 45,000 first-time buyers have benefited and the Deputy's party wants to take that support away from those who want to buy their first home.
It pushes up house prices.
The first home scheme and the shared equity scheme was opposed by the Deputy.
Where are the 50,000 houses?
Build the 50,000 houses.
Where are the houses?
They Government has broken the promises it made at election time.
The Deputy also opposed the grants for the vacancies and so on. Housing supply is growing very significantly.
I asked a question-----
It is very interesting that as I endeavour to respond to the Deputy; I did not interrupt the Deputy once-----
The Tánaiste did not respond.
That is not a response. The Tánaiste did not answer the question.
The Deputy does not want to hear the response.
I have known from the Deputy that most people like a bit of melody, but with Deputy Pearse Doherty it is a cacophony all the way with shouting, roaring and noise as if the decibel levels reveals the Deputy's rightness-----
(Interruptions).
The Tánaiste can attack me-----
Sit down Deputy, please.
The Tánaiste can attack my character-----
Sit down, Deputy.
But I asked one simple question. Where are the 50,000 houses? The Tánaiste can attack my character all he wants; I do not care. Where are the 50,000 homes?
Does the Deputy want me to suspend the House?
No, I do not.
Then let the Chair speak. I know we are at a certain point in the electoral cycle where people are getting excited.
A Deputy
What has that got to do with it?
I know that hostages have been given to fortune but they are being given by lots of different people on lots of different sides. The public are looking at this and they expect the debate here to be conducted in an orderly way. They expect the debate to be conducted-----
Answer the questions.
Strategic interruption and heckling is no way to conduct an orderly debate.
The public want answers.
You, Sir, are the arch strategic-----
The public want answers. The Tánaiste is refusing to answer the questions.
You know very well what you are doing-----
Yes, I am looking for answers.-
You know very well what you are doing.
I do. I am doing my job, a Cheann Comhairle.
You are strategically heckling constantly. The next time this occurs I will suspend the House.
On a point of order-----
No, you cannot make a point of order. Resume your seat.
The Ceann Comhairle mentioned that this was a debate. This is not a debate or an engagement if the Tánaiste refuses to answer. It is not a debate.
Resume your seat. If the Deputy persists, I will put the House into recess. We will now hear Deputy Aodhán Ó Ríordáin without interruption please.
I am not sure if the Tánaiste saw the Fine Gael video posted online yesterday about their 15 ways to help business. I saw it; I watch little else these days. The Minister for Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform, Deputy Paschal Donohoe, starts to speak at point No. 12. He writes the words "Sick Pay" on a flip chart. He then goes on to say, "We are going to pause further changes in this area and ask the Economic and Social Research Institute to evaluate the impact of any further policy decisions." The Minister did not have the courage to say the words "sick pay" out loud in the video. We all know what the plan is. It has been floated by Fine Gael since Deputy Simon Harris took over as Taoiseach and leader of the party. Yesterday it was confirmed as Government policy that any further increase in the current five days of statutory paid sick leave would be blocked. A clear signal was given to business that this will not go ahead. It comes at the same time as a no-strings attached multimillion euro bailout package for business was announced. There was no requirement to engage in collective bargaining or with the industrial relations machinery of the State. This is support for the sectors with the highest number of low-paid workers. At the same time, Fine Gael plans to restrict any improvement in the rights of these workers. Let that sink in. To help business, the plan is to cut future sick leave entitlements for workers and to slow down future increases in the minimum wage.
What message does this send to workers? What happened to the pandemic dividend? The Labour Party introduced its Sick Leave and Parental Leave (Covid-19) Bill in 2020 because it was a vital part of our response to Covid and Ireland was an outlier in the EU. In Belgium, a worker gets 30 days at full pay. In Germany, it is six weeks at full pay. It is important that we bust some myths about Ireland's sick-pay law. Employers in Ireland already pay one the lowest social insurance rates in Europe and the package announced yesterday will cut it further. A person must be certified as sick or unable to work by a GP. Workers were told this will be phased in. We must also remember that this is not full pay; under the law a worker would get 70% of the normal weekly pay up to a maximum of €110 a day.
Who does statutory sick pay benefit? It helps those in precarious, insecure and low-paid work, who predominantly are young people, migrants and women. Better paid workers are more likely to be unionised or have fully paid sick leave in their contracts. The cost-of-living crisis has not gone away. Incomes are still squeezed by rising prices. If a person is sick should he or she go to work? If a person is too sick, should he or she get sick pay?
This Government has actually been supporting workers and we have a very strong record on strengthening and introducing workers' rights. In January 2023, we introduced statutory sick pay entitlement for all workers, which provides a crucial safety net to protect workers who become ill. It again underscores our commitment to the welfare and well-being of our workforce. From 1 January this year the number of statutory sick leave days increased from three to five. The Deputy will be aware that in February of last year we introduced a new permanent public holiday, St. Brigid's Day, which brings the number of public holidays in Ireland to ten. We also have the Work Life Balance and Miscellaneous Provisions Act 2023 that provides employees with the right to request a remote working arrangement with their employer, recognising the changing dynamics of the modern workplace. We also have the European Union (Transparent and Predictable Working Conditions) Regulations 2022 and the Payment of Wages (Amendment) (Tips and Gratuities) Act 2022 . Furthermore, we are developing the auto-enrolment initiative, which will benefit hundreds of thousands of workers who do not have adequate pension cover. We introduced the concept of the living wage and the convergence of the minimum wage with the living wage has been quite significant as evidenced by the increase in the minimum wage last year.
There are many workers across the country who work in small businesses and who work in the retail and hospitality sector. I am sure the Deputy has been inundated with representation from people working in shops, restaurants and so on who are saying to the Government and the Oireachtas that cumulatively this has had an impact on small businesses as they emerge from Covid. It is legitimate that we introduce measures to try to help the hospitality and retail sectors. They have focused on the increased costs of business, ICOB, scheme, which is the contribution to businesses being reopened with opportunities for those who received the first grant of a minimum of €5,000 so they could receive a second grant. That is the fundamental change. It will also raise the PRSI eligibility threshold to make sure the PRSI rate will not increase with the increase in the minimum wage for many small employers.
Those are the fundamental improvements that will help people and businesses in the short term, along with reviewing other mechanisms or issues. It is legitimate at least to review to determine the position. A record 2.7 million people are at work overall in our economy. In the past year alone, we added 90,000 jobs, and 550,000 jobs have been created since this Government took office, the point being that a balance needs to be struck between enabling people to have the most fundamental opportunity of all, which is the opportunity to work-----
The time is up.
I do not know what question the Tánaiste was answering but he was not answering mine. In the Fine Gael video, they did not have the courage to say "sick pay" out loud. The Tánaiste did not say it out loud either in his answer to me. If he and I are too sick to come to work, we get paid anyway, but low-paid workers in insecure, low-paid jobs, who are predominantly young people, migrants and women, are unlikely to get paid if sick. Why should these vulnerable workers have that right paused?
I did mention sick pay.
The Tánaiste said “sick leave”. He did not address the question of the stalling of sick pay, a Government promise.
I said that from January 2024, the number of statutory sick leave days has increased from three to five.
The next phase. It is a substantial issue that I am raising. The Tánaiste did not answer-----
There has not been a decision on the next phase, but there is a review.
Fine Gael has made a decision.
That is not a decision. Let us be very clear-----
The Tánaiste should talk to the Minister for Public Expenditure, National Development Plan Delivery and Reform about it.
There is an issue. The most fundamental thing is to create employment opportunities in our economy. Most people want to be at work. The Deputy nodded in affirmation that the hospitality and retail sectors have been on to him. The first people to lose out if costs become unsustainable are those very vulnerable and low-paid workers he was talking about, because it will mean fewer people being hired. Of all the insolvencies this year, quite a significant percentage have occurred in the hospitality and retail sectors. There is a need to endeavour to understand what has led to that. I acknowledge there will be different factors. There is a need to absorb the information and endeavour to respond to it, which in fairness we have by way of the number of supports we are giving to businesses, particularly smaller businesses.
These are rights taken for granted right across the European Union.
Special needs assistants are being denied equal health and safety leave provision while pregnant. They are given just 21 days' leave if deemed at risk in the work environment. This means they have to use other leave to compensate for long-term absence if they encounter risk in the early stages of pregnancy. Contagious diseases are more common in younger children and these diseases are considered a threat to babies' health.
Considering the potential risk posed to SNAs – there is a greater risk of injury given the physical element – there is a clear disparity between the provisions afforded to teachers and those afforded to SNAs, the workers who may need to rely on health and safety leave to a greater extent. According to Fórsa, any policy in this regard should be indiscriminative and provision should be afforded equally to all pregnant staff, not based on grade or role. Will the Tánaiste ensure equal workplace safety standards across all roles? We need to ensure that the Government puts supports in place for employees to assist them with regard to their leave entitlements.
SNAs work with children with a range of care needs, many of whom exhibit extremely challenging behaviour that requires full-time help. I would be the first to say a lot of good work has been done in education. There are more teachers and SNAs, there is early intervention, and children's problems are being diagnosed early. A couple of weeks ago, I dealt with the case of a young mother expecting her first child who had been in her job for a couple of years. She absolutely loves her job but she has been bitten, kicked and thumped. A couple of weeks ago, she was viciously attacked all of a sudden and has been off work. Now she has to pay for herself, which is very unfair. To me, teaching and providing special needs assistance are vocations and both should be treated the same.
The conditions must be improved. It is in the Tánaiste's power to look after the SNAs, who deserve better treatment. As a former teacher, the Tánaiste will know that, over the past number of years, SNAs have benefited from many of the same opportunities afforded to teachers. The Employment Permits Bill 2022 was cornered with domestic violence. Many teachers and SNAs were victims of domestic violence and now that has been looked after. With regard to breastfeeding, teachers and SNAs now have the same entitlements. Good work is being done by SNAs. Half the schools in the country do not have enough SNAs. It is important that we get the right people. People have gone back to school, got educated, gained experience and have done everything needed to become an SNA. Parents who come to my constituency office, including those with autistic children, want to know their children will get full-time care and be looked after properly by SNAs when they go to school. Could the Tánaiste please look after the SNAs?
I thank the Deputy for raising this important issue. When I was Minister for Education in 1998, I took a decision and brought a related memorandum to the Cabinet providing for the employment of SNAs for the first time in mainstream schools. It was a watershed decision and I can recall how dubious Department of Finance officials were about my protestations to the effect that the measure would be modest. This view was dashed a year later when the estimate I had helpfully provided to the officials more than doubled. Today we have 21,000 SNAs. I do not mean to jest as this is an important point. The officials were right because they saw what was coming. It was a good thing. The position has changed over the years, and the system has been modernised and professionalised. There is now a career pathway. The provision of special needs assistance is essential for special needs children and it has allowed for a radical change in special education in that the vast majority of children with special needs are in mainstream education, whether in special classes or mainstream classes. SNAs also operate very effectively in special schools.
The Deputy has raised a very important point. An SNA is entitled to a full salary for the first 21 days while on health and safety leave. Based on an SNA's PRSI contributions, he or she may be entitled to health and safety benefits from the Department of Social Protection where their health and safety leave extends beyond 21 days. The board of management has a fundamental role here. It is obliged to assess any specific risk in the workplace to an SNA and to ensure a pregnant SNA is not exposed to any process or working conditions that would damage either the safety or health of the pregnant SNA or the safety and health of the developing child. I understand that, in special contexts in special education, such a risk can arise. However, where a risk has been identified and it is not possible to remove it, protective and preventive measures should be taken to safeguard the health of any SNA to whom the provisions apply, such as a temporary adjustment in the working environment so exposure to the risk is avoided, or in the event that such adjustment is not possible, the moving of the SNA to suitable alternative work that does not entail the risk, or in the event that such alternative work is not available and having consulted and received certification from the occupational health service, granting the SNA health and safety leave. Health and safety leave will cease when the SNA concerned commences maternity leave or the risk itself ceases.
I am aware that, in 2021, Fórsa submitted a claim for increased health and safety leave for SNAs that could not be considered at that stage under the terms of Building Momentum. I am not clear whether it was referred to the WRC but a full review of the SNA contract is currently being carried out by a working group on SNA recruitment as part of the work on the SNA workforce development plan.
SNAs are given 21 days' leave if deemed to be at risk in the work environment. Teachers and SNAs should be treated the same and I do not want to see any disparity. Providing special needs assistance is a vocation, as far as I am concerned. Tomorrow at my constituency office, there will be queues of people looking for facilities for their children. When a child goes to school and is looked after on a full-time basis by an SNA, that SNA should be looked after. Am I to tell the young mother I spoke to that I spoke to the Tánaiste in the House and got no relief?
All SNAs want is to get the same respect as a teacher. They go back to school and do a bit of study. The young girl to whom I referred has been bitten, kicked and punched. Such people come into my constituency office and have no complaints whatsoever. They are there to help the children and everything else. All they are looking for is the same respect as teachers get. The Tánaiste, as a former teacher, must realise the amount of good work that SNAs do. I ask him to do whatever is in his power. I ask him to give me some kind of response so I can go back to these people who want to be SNAs. As I said, half the schools in the country cannot get enough SNAs. If they feel as if they are not being looked after, how are we going to get the right people to become SNAs?
I acknowledge the sincerity with which the Deputy has approached this matter. That he comes across situations such as these is evidence of his diligence at constituency level. This is not the first case about which he has articulated concern due to his diligence on the ground. I indicated that a full review of the SNA contract is on the way as part of the SNA workforce development plan. That working group will examine all aspects of the duties and responsibilities of SNAs and how they interact with the school community. All of the stakeholders involved, including management bodies and the Fórsa trade union, which represents SNAs, are on that working group. It will also consider the challenges related to the role and make recommendations as to how they may be addressed.
A redeployment scheme for SNAs will be established in consultation and collaboration with stakeholders. It will run initially on a pilot basis and may give opportunities in the future to deal with the issues the Deputy has outlined. I will engage again with the Ministers on the basis of the Deputy's advocacy but work is under way.
There are considerable issues facing the once thriving market town of Clonmel, with huge levels of vacancy and dereliction. There are water outages on a weekly, and sometimes daily, basis and there are concerning levels of open drug taking and drug dealing on the main streets of our town. There is, unfortunately, an unsavoury atmosphere to be felt in the town centre. I do not say this lightly because Clonmel is a great town, a vale of honey, Cluain Meala. It is a fantastic town and with serious help and support, it can recover. However, it cannot recover through the neglect it is currently receiving.
Clonmel has a strong community and a great business ethic. Businesses, especially small ones, are doing their best to carry on in difficult economic circumstances. There is a wonderful university hospital, a third level institution and great industries in Clonmel. However, the town centre and the people are struggling. We have fabulous community initiatives, clubs and organisations, for example, Banna Chluain Meala, who are wonderful ambassadors.
A task force has been set up to tackle vacancy and dereliction but we need multiagency action to tackle the many serious issues facing the town. Dereliction and vacancy are only one element. Homelessness and mental health issues are difficulties. Drugs are, unfortunately, rampant in the town. The Garda is unable to deal with the situation due to a chronic shortage of numbers. Gardaí are working out of a horrible Garda station which we have been waiting to be replaced for 50 years.
The demise of the town has worsened with the abolition of Clonmel Borough Council ten years ago by then Minister, Phil Hogan. Before the abolition, Clonmel Borough Council had a discretionary current account to allow it to spend €20 million per year. The loss of that has amounted to €200 million in the past ten years. Is it any wonder why the town is so badly neglected? We now have an annual budget of €142,000 for discretionary spending in the town of Clonmel. That is shocking.
At the same time, parking charges in Clonmel town are the highest in the country and businesses are struggling with expensive rates and the rising cost of doing business. There are enormous concerns about the general sense of wasting money in the town. We woke up on Monday to the news of the loss of the friary car park. We lost our friars after hundreds of years earlier this year and the car park is now to be turned into an area for concerts and arts. That is needed, and there was consultation about that during the pandemic when outdoor spaces were needed. However, we now have a plaza on which up to €10 million was spent on the site of the old Kickham Barracks. We do not need this new venue in the town when it will take away 30 badly needed parking spaces right beside the main street and Mitchell Street. Furthermore, we have lost 14 spaces with the demolition of the Clonmel Arms Hotel, which had to be demolished because it was in disrepair. With that demolition, 14 spaces have gone from the centre of town. The businesses in the town are aghast at how money can be spent on vanity projects such as this which are not necessary. We are closing down businesses by stealth by not allowing people to park in the town. Those businesses are getting no supports other than token rate supports. Business owners want to be allowed to trade and for people to be allowed into the town to do business with them.
I thank the Deputy for raising the issue. I know he and many other public representatives are strong advocates for Clonmel. Councillor Siobhán Ambrose regularly gets in touch with me about the well-being of Clonmel. It is a lovely town, and I like Clonmel.
So do I.
It has considerable potential and has grown and expanded significantly over the past two decades. There has been significant investment in the town. I appreciate the Deputy acknowledging the investment in the university hospital. As far back as my time as Minister for Health, we invested significantly in Clonmel University Hospital.
There is a challenge here on which we need to reflect. The country has expanded economically and the population has grown. The nature of urban life is changing and the mix that went into towns in previous times may not be the mix for current times. There may be a need for more substantial residential accommodation in town centres than has been the norm in the past. That applies to the cities as well as the towns.
I agree with the Deputy. I opposed the abolition of town and borough councils from a democratic point of view, which was my big position at the time, but I also opposed the loss of that idea of the community coming together. An urban council was the community coming together in an elected format. The antennae of such councils were sharp in terms of the needs of the town and they came forward with cohesive plans. In my own county, I think of towns such as Kinsale and Clonakilty, which had good urban councils that transformed their experience. That was true across the country and I accept the Deputy's perspective on that point.
There are great organisations and clubs in Clonmel. There is a lot going for Clonmel and it has many strengths. The Minister of State, Deputy Butler, recently opened Haven House, which offers crisis resolutions and supports for those with mental health issues, at a cost of €4 million.
Deputy Mattie McGrath was at the opening.
A new 50-bed community nursing unit is being built at a cost of €13 million and will be completed this year. There is also a whole range of urban renewal and rural community development funds that are putting money into towns across the length and breadth of the country, including Clonmel.
On drug dealing and addiction generally, we have a challenge in the country and not just in Clonmel. It is an area on which we need renewed focus. We need a multidsiciplinary response to the issue. I read reports this morning, for example, about worrying new synthetic drugs that are coming onto the market and which could be very serious for the country. The fentanyl crisis in the United States and Canada is quite shocking. The situation is bad enough here as it is but we need to be focused on the potential for a worsening situation that could emerge.
I acknowledge there are good things happening in Clonmel and we have had great ambassadors, such as the late Frank Patterson and Mick Dell. Clonmel men are known all over the world. However, the town lost its borough council under Fine Gael. It lost Kickham Barracks, which was a major blow. It lost the mental health services at St. Michael's psychiatric unit. The biggest loss of all was the move of the power base from Clonmel to Nenagh. There have been great investments and I do not begrudge the people of Nenagh but we lost completely as a result of the amalgamation. The county manager was even appointed before the legislation was passed, which is dubious in itself. The power base has shifted and all the investment is in Nenagh. The parking charges in Nenagh are low and the irony is that the money collected in Clonmel goes into north Tipperary. The people of Clonmel have had enough and want fair play. Many fine public officials retired at the time because of the takeover, and it was a takeover. I helped Councillor Niall Dennehy to take a High Court challenge to that abolition but he had no support from any political party or from elsewhere. He is still fighting the battle over the discrepancies that were there, how the power shifted and how the north Tipperary county manager was appointed before the legislation was passed. There are serious questions.
I have asked the housing committee to examine it. We need fair play. It is fine play to me. Clonmel needs fair play and we are not getting it.
I am not aware of the situation pertaining to the appointment of any county manager and I do not think it is appropriate that we cast aspersions on it. That was quite some time ago, I would say. I did not pick up on the vanity project that Deputy McGrath mentioned earlier. Was it the transformation of a car park into a venue?
Yes. It is not needed.
I do not know what the broader view in Clonmel is on that so I will not comment specifically on it. On the borough council - and I do not want to be mischievous as the Ceann Comhairle is looking at me very sharply - I think it was a Labour Party policy at the time-----
It has apologised for it.
It came forward with the idea. It has changed many years later.
Why do you not bring them back?
It was Deputy Howlin at the time when he was the Minister-----
He apologised for it. Why do you not bring them back?
-----possessed with the idea of urban councils.
Why do you not bring them back?
It is very hard to bring something back that has been abolished but we should not rule it out. As Deputy McGrath knows, there was a compromise eventually in the form of the municipal groups that have been established. They have begun to assert themselves in respect of a district but it is not the same thing in terms of a town. I also believe in democracy and I believe that people should have the right to elect people to manage and plan the future of their town in a visionary way.