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Seanad Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 16 Apr 1975

Vol. 80 No. 3

Broadcasting Authority (Amendment) Bill, 1975: Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

When the debate on this Bill was adjourned I was about to examine the proposal to establish a broacasting complaints commission under section 4.

I welcome in principle the idea of a broadcasting complaints commission but I join with the other Senators who criticised the cumbrous and bureaucratic structure of this proposed commission as set out in section 4.

Unfortunately the Minister did not give the House any background details of the number and nature of complaints handled by the present complaints advisory committee which he established last year. The only reference to this body in his Second Reading speech was a brief reference in passing when he said:

This system seems to have worked well and the commission provided for in the Bill is to give a statutory basis for this solution.

As I say, I have no objection in principle to having a complaints advisory committee set up on a statutory basis, but I think this proposal is unnecessarily top heavy in achieving that desirable object. It contains certain provisions which I do not at all welcome, such as that contained in subsection (2) which reads:

The Commission shall consist of a Chairman and not less than two other members who shall be appointed by the Government.

This suggests that it could grow to quite a large body, as there is no restriction on the number of members of this body, and these members shall be appointed by the Government and may be removed only by resolution passed by both Houses.

Paragraph (7) provides:

There shall be paid to members of the Commission such remuneration (if any) and allowances (if any) as the Minister, with the consent of the Minister for the Public Service, from time to time determines.

Again this gives one the idea of a very substantial body with the possibility of fairly full-time people on it who would require remuneration and allowances. This can only be justified if the circumstances warrant it. Subsection (13) reads:

The Minister for the Public Service should assign to the Commission such officers and servants as in his opinion are necessary to enable it to perform its functions.

It would appear, therefore, that the proposals for a broadcasting complaints commission would envisage a body which would require a team of civil servants to help them discharge their functions, once again giving an image of a very bureautic structure. We must be very careful in this respect, because the financing of this body will come out of the licence fees, as provided for in section 9, paragraph (a) (iii) of which the Minister will deduct:

the amount of a grant or grants made by the Minister under section 18A of the Principal Act (inserted by section 4 of this Act),

Therefore the more money that is spent on that body the fewer resources will be available for programmes on RTE. There is a very real need for restraint in this matter in establishing a broadcasting complaints commission on a statutory basis.

However it is in relation to one of the functions of the commission that I have the gravest disquiet; in fact this is perhaps one of the most invidious proposals in this Bill, that is, the proposal that the complaints commission and the Minister would have a function in relation to the internal code of the authority.

When I began my contribution to this debate I said that there were certain provisions which I would be opposing specifically. I have already dealt in detail with section 6, relating to open broadcasting. This is another provision with which I take substantial issue and which I hope will be excised from the Bill during the debate. The provisions in question are under section 18b of the Bill which provides:

Subject to the provisions of this section, the Commission may investigate and decide any of the following complaints—

Then paragraph (e) reads:

(e) a complaint that a programme broadcast by the Authority and so specified contravened a code to which this paragraph applies,

In order to understand that provision one must go through this highly technical section until one comes to subsection (13) (a) which provides:

Where a code is drawn up by the Authority governing standards and practice for programmes (apart from advertisements) broadcast by it, the Minister may, if he thinks fit, after consultation with the Authority, give a direction in relation to the code, and in case the Minister so gives a direction he shall, as soon as may be, inform the Authority of the direction.

Paragraph (b) provides:

The Minister may, after consultation with the Authority, cancel a direction given by him under this subsection, and in case the Minister cancels a direction given by him under this section he shall, as soon as may be, inform both the Commission and the Authority of the cancellation.

This is a new and, in my view, quite unwarranted power which the Minister is seeking, a new function for the complaints commission and a new power to himself to issue codes in relation to either the existing or the future internal functions of the authority. This is both an unnecessary provision and one which runs counter to the whole basic principle behind the Bill, which I welcomed—the reinforcement of the independence of the authority: that they are an independent authority, that they have a function as public trustees, that they have duties imposed on them including the maintenance of impartiality. Yet here we have a provision for a completely new encroachment on the executive, on the internal codes of the authority.

I would have the strongest objection to any such proposal. I think it would substantially erode the authority's present responsibility in the field of programmes and that it is contrary to the basic principle behind the establishment of an independent authority. I would hope the Minister would be prepared, in the light of the criticisms made by the various Senators who have contributed, to bring in a much simpler version of his complaints commission on the basis of what is a realistic workload, of establishing a complaints commission to act as a body to scrutinise and take up unanswered complaints by members of the public.

One of the functions of the complaints commission is in relation to the duties this Bill would place on the authority prohibiting them from unreasonably intruding on the privacy of the individual. I view that provision as placing a statutory duty on the authority which, if the authority are not prepared to carry it out, might give rise to damages to an individual who had been unreasonably intruded upon, who would have recourse to the courts and get damages rather than go through this complaints machinery where there is no power in the commission either to impose any sanction or to award damages.

I welcome the fact that a commission of this sort will be required to report annually. This is one of the advantages of giving them a statutory basis. The present advisory committee have not got a statutory obligation to report and we do not know the extent of their present workload. I hope the Minister in his reply will give some information on this aspect.

One other section which I should like to refer to in detail is section 17, relating to programming. To my mind the explanatory sentence at the side is deceptive. It refers to "Regulation of local programmes for distribution on cable systems". If you examine with care the actual provisions of that section it seems to me to be the regulation of the distribution of cable systems. I think that at this time in relation to cable television and the enormous potential of it, we should be going further in a Broadcasting Authority Bill than providing for the regulation of distribution through licence by the Minister.

The whole idea of cable television is the major growth area in relation to television. It has immense potential and could provide very creative and welcome opportunities for local community programming on the basis of using closed circuits. In this Bill we should be thinking ahead as to how to regulate standards of local programmes. Though I would require more information before I could be sure this would be the right solution, I would be personally strongly in favour of local control of local programmes, of having democracy operated in the real sense at local level and not to try to centralise local programmes.

Though it is important to regulate the distribution of local programmes on cable systems, I do not think this section really touches on the whole issue of cable television and the potential of this type of communication and the impact it could have on local communities. Therefore, I would welcome more details from the Minister on this aspect and some indication of his thinking on the matter.

Finally, because I have already had a generous opportunity of making clear my views on the Bill, I should like briefly to return to what I consider to be the major key issue in the Bill, that of the future of television in Ireland and what is to happen in regard to the second TV channel. It is clear that the primary function of a second channel is to redress the unfair balance of geography, the unfairness of the situation that part of the country is excluded from the advantage enjoyed by the other densely populated part of the country because of its geographic proximity to Britain and the fact that it can avail of multichannel viewing.

I come back again to the Minister's obvious preference for BBC 1 as the second channel to be rebroadcast under the present proposal in section 6. Having thought about the matter since we debated the Bill last, there are various problems posed by this proposal. If BBC 1 were licensed by the Minister to be the broadcasting service in the Republic on the second channel, RTE would be faced with very serious consequences. First, it is obvious that public money would have to be invested in the network facilities for broadcasting BBC 1 and a substantial sum of public money would have to be spent annually on acquiring programmes rights. These moneys would come from whatever would be the total resources made available to finance broadcasting in the Irish community. Therefore the funds available to finance broadcasting and the resources available to RTE would be diminished accordingly or would not be enlarged to the same extent because there would be this further cost from the total pool.

Secondly, RTE would have the serious problem of being faced with competition from a broadcasting service which is designed to compete. The development of BBC 1 has been the corporation's answer to commercial broadcasting in Britain. It has been tailored and directed to be competitive and this is being backed by all the skill and talent which the BBC have at their disposal. The object is to secure the largest possible slice of the British audience.

Because they have the advantageous position of a two-channel service, the BBC are able to discharge their public function as well as competing for the largest audience possible. It is highly debateable whether RTE, working from much smaller resources, would ever be able to win in a straight battle for audience against the BBC. One must be aware that there are only two options for RTE if BBC 1 is to be rebroadcast in Ireland and to be effectively a second channel. I have already dealt at some length with the first of these options, which is to enter into direct competition with the BBC. Undoubtedly a national service cannot go into direct competition with a basically commercial competitive service such as the BBC without losing or having to shed some of their public service obligations. It is not reasonable to envisage that RTE could have, for example, farming or education programmes or programmes in the Irish language at peak times and compete with BBC 1 during those periods. Inevitably, there would be a tendency to cut back on virtually all serious broadcasting. Apart from the capacity to compete in terms of finance—undoubtedly, the BBC have much greater resources than are available to RTE—there is also the necessity to compete in terms of talent and skill and these assets are much fewer here than in Britain, partly because many of our talented actors have emigrated and partly because the pool from which they are being drawn is so much smaller. If, for example, RTE were to compete in the field of light entertainment, from where would they get these programmes? Would they buy them at, presumably, high rates from ITV or would they buy American entertainment programmes and also endeavour to mount some such programmes of their own? With the resources available to them could they compete with the vastly greater resources of the BBC? Therefore the contest would seem to be a most unequal one from every point of view —finance, manpower, the obligation on RTE to provide a national service and so on. It is very difficult to see how RTE could compete on any sort of favourable terms.

The second option and, in my view the only other option, is for RTE not to compete. This means that RTE would have to accept their role as a second service, as a minority channel, approximating in some respects to BBC 2 in Britain. In other words, they could decide to discharge to the full extent their public service obligations without paying attention to the size of the audience viewing their programmes and without trying to attract a major audience.

The effect of this would be very serious in regard to RTE's capacity to earn revenue from advertising because the advertising would not be forthcoming if RTE were not drawing major audience rating. It is arguable and an important consideration that RTE, as a second channel of this nature, might hold more of an audience because of their being a national product. A significant proportion would view RTE because they would be providing a national programme with which the audience could identify, but it is difficult to see how that size of audience could be more than an average of 20 per cent on a regular basis of the viewing public.

I have read some of the comments made at the time when the BBC had the option either of entering direct competition with ITV or of becoming a second channel, of becoming the cultural channel in Britain. That was before the division between BBC 1 and BBC 2. The BBC rejected forcefully the argument that broadcasters cannot voluntarily abandon the service they provide to a major audience. In a sense there is no doubt that in the long term a service commanding only a small section of the viewing audience would lose, first, the respect of the public and, secondly, the capacity to draw on public money.

I repeat a point made earlier, that is, that it is very difficult to see how any Government, however well intentioned, would have the political will to support a minority programme not holding more than 20 per cent of the audience. Having had an opportunity to reflect on the implications of rebroadcasting BBC 1 here on a second channel as a policy decision, I have concluded that the implications for the national service would be extremely serious. This is a situation about which we should think much more deeply and with much more information at our disposal. It is a matter that I would like to see deferred rather than that it would be decided on in this Bill.

I should like to see section 6 being withdrawn and the whole question reconsidered because this is one of the most important matters to come before the Oireachtas for many years.

As a final comment on this aspect, there is substantial merit in the original perspective in which the Minister was considering his concept of open broadcasting, namely, the idea that television could make a very important contribution to a better understanding among people of this country, North and South, because we do not know enough about the life style, habits, customs or even humour of the people of the North and they do not know enough about such characteristics so far as we are concerned. The result of this has been suspicion, prejudice, bigotry and the tragedy of this country. That basic idea should not be lost although the reality of it appears not to be possible and I say "the reality" because it is clear that in the present proposal for rebroadcasting BBC 1 there is no element of reciprocity, that RTE would broadcast in Northern Ireland. Despite the fact that it is not possible to achieve the full idea of a liberal and free exchange of programmes and viewing between the two parts of this island, and indeed in the islands generally, it should be possible in whatever scheme for the second channel comes forward eventually to incorporate the very positive idea that the programmes which originate in Northern Ireland, whether BBC or UTV, programmes which originate there—current affairs, news, farming programmes or whatever they may be, programmes involving local people, showing their attitudes and viewpoints—should be rebroadcast on the second channel or rebroadcast in Ireland on one or other of the channels depending on how the overall scheme would be structured.

In that context I tried to make some inquiries about the proportion of programme services coming from Belfast, whether BBC or UTV or home-produced, and I was not able to get an entirely satisfactory answer on this. I am sure the Minister would have much better resources than I would have and therefore I would welcome some clear figures on the proportion of home-based Northern programmes which are broadcast either on BBC Northern Ireland or on UTV because it is my understanding that it is a relatively small proportion and that a much more significant proportion is made in either Manchester or London or indeed, probably, Hollywood. Therefore, in talking about open broadcasting in the sense of programmes coming from Northern Ireland one must realise that quite a small proportion of these programmes is actually home produced in Northern Ireland and it would be possible to have these programmes rebroadcast.

I think there would be a very real possibility of having specific programmes from Northern Ireland which are home-produced in the North rebroadcast here and have reciprocity at the programme level rather than at the programme service level where you open up your airwaves in that sense. There is a very real value there and that value should not be lost by Senators who object to the idea of opening up the airwaves to the foreign broadcasting service which could rebroadcast as the second channel in this country.

I wanted to have an opportunity of expressing a view on this because I look forward to the Minister's reply to the viewpoints he has heard expressed on this question which I think is a very fundamental one in this Bill. I should like to conclude by again thanking the Minister for bringing this Bill into the Seanad. I regard it as one of the most important Bills to come before the Oireachtas for a considerable time. I am glad that in this House we have had the opportunity of examining it before it goes before the Dáil and I hope the Minister will have benefited from the debate in this House.

Before Senator O'Higgins speaks I should like to say that it has been communicated to the Chair that it should be possible to repair the defects in the recording system if the sitting were suspended for a short period. Would the House be good enough to suspend sittings until 4.30 p.m. to see if this can be achieved?

I think there is no objection to that.

I take it, that if by some mischance it takes a little longer to fix the equipment the bells will be rung?

It is hoped that the bells will ring for re-assembly at 4.30 p.m.

Shall we wait for the bells?

Yes, wait for the bells. The assembly will not be before 4.30 p.m.

Business suspended at 3.55 p.m. and resumed at 4.30 p.m.

The recording system has not been rectified and there seems little possibility of this being done within a reasonable time. Accordingly it has been decided to resume the sitting with shorthand notetaking.

Like most other Senators who have spoken, I should like to express my appreciation of the fact that the Minister has brought this Bill into the Seanad and also my appreciation of the manner of his presentation of the Bill to the House. Certainly, I should have thought that the Minister's approach to the presentation of the Bill did not call for the type of unqualified, all-out opposition which was, as I understand it, promised by Senator Lenihan. I thought the Minister was extremely reasonable in his invitation to the House to consider the terms of the Bill and in his assurance that he wanted a proper and full debate and consideration of the proposals in the Bill and in his further assurance that amendments which might be tabled for the Committee Stage would receive careful consideration.

Speaking as a Senator supporting the Government, I want to say that many times when I was on the opposite benches I should have been very glad to welcome a Minister coming into this House with that kind of approach and presentation. From time to time I did have the pleasure from those benches of welcoming such an approach particularly, as far as I can recall, on occasions when the late President Childers, as a Deputy, came to this House with legislation. It was right that the Minister should have referred to him in his opening remarks.

I accept the Minister's invitation, so far as I can, to discuss this Bill possibly rather critically, as regards some aspects of it but to discuss it from the point of view of putting forward points which I hope the Minister may be able to consider and possibly deal with, if he regards them as useful, on subsequent Stages.

It is very necessary when we are considering a Bill dealing with the national broadcasting service that we should be very clear in our minds that there is a very big distinction between a medium engaged for the purpose of a national broadcasting service and other types of media. Here, we are dealing with a medium which has been described by more than one speaker—rather, the authority has been described—as a trustee for the State. We are dealing with a situation where not merely the bricks and mortar but all the services which are being provided by this broadcasting authority are being provided by the people of this State and they should be provided for the people of this State. I do not want in any way to denigrate the status of journalists for whom, not merely as a politician but personally, I have a great regard, because I know the extremely difficult task which faces journalists throughout the whole scope of their operations. I know their tasks are very often difficult and very often thankless. I do not want to appear in any way to be criticising journalists as such.

In the context of a State service provided by the people for the people, the position of the journalist engaged in the broadcasting service should not be the most important consideration in our minds. The paramount consideration should be the ordinary member of the public who is paying for and entitled to expect to get the service he requires from the national broadcasting service. I say that deliberately because in my view it would be completely erroneous to approach this Bill predominantly from the point of view of journalists or those engaged in the operation of the broadcasting service.

Their position is important. Their goodwill and services are essential to make the broadcasting service a success. I do not believe it would be a correct approach to put their interest first. There is a distinction between the national service provided by the State under the national broadcasting service and other media. This distinction is spelled out in this Bill. So far as newspapers, cinemas or any other privately controlled medium is concerned, they are, of course, entitled to editorialise in whatever way they like. They can adopt different policies on matters of public concern or public controversy and change them from time to time if they desire.

A service operated as a national service for the State by a broadcasting authority is in a different position. Consequently it was considered necessary in the past, and it is considered necessary under this Bill, to put in statutory provisions regarding balance and impartiality. The provisions are in section 3 of this Bill and section 18 of the previous Bill. From a politician's point of view impartiality is one of the most sensitive areas in broadcasting and television. It is true to say that imbalance can arise in a variety of ways. It can arise by a specific point of view being plugged by a commentator or reporter on radio or television. It can arise by the weighting of a panel in a panel discussion or by the weighting of an audience, when a studio audience is chosen. It can also arise in the allocation of time, even where a panel is evenly balanced with views for and against a certain topic. All these things are important.

It is obviously a very difficult job for a Minister drafting legislation or presiding over a Department to which the broadcasting authority is answerable to so arrange things that there will be perfect balance and perfect impartiality. While dealing with the question of impartiality, I should like to draw the attention of the House to a discussion here last week on the Criminal Law (Jurisdiction) Bill. I saw one television newscast in which the proceedings of this House were reported. My recollection is—and I am open to correction on this—that it referred to the speeches of six Senators. Five of the six speeches were from Senators opposing the Bill and one from a Senator who supported it, namely myself. I do not regard that as a properly balanced newscast. That could quite legitimately be the subject of a complaint to the Authority or to the complaints' commission being for-malised under this Bill. I am sure those responsible for compiling that newscast thought they were reflecting the debate in this House, because there was a preponderance of speakers against taking the Bill on the Order of Business. There was not such an overwhelming preponderance in terms of speeches, in my view, to justify a five-to-one recording on a newscast. I do not mind if my words are conveyed to RTE——

A ratio of about two-to-one would have been right.

Possibly. My primary reason for raising this is to point out the sensitive nature so far as politicians are concerned on impartiality and also the difficulties experienced by those responsible for balancing programmes.

Section 3 deals with impartiality. It also contains what has become a matter of serious controversy in connection with this Bill: it prohibits the inclusion in programmes of matters which might incite to crime or lead to disorder. I have had representations from the National Union of Journalists in this connection. I want to say clearly that I do not agree with the submission from that union in connection with section 16, or (IA) of section 3, of this Bill. Section 3 (1 A) provides that:

The Authority is hereby prohibited from including in any of its broadcasts or in any matter referred to in paragraph (c) of subsection (1) of this section anything which may reasonably be regarded as being likely to promote, or incite to, crime or to lead to disorder.

Various objections have been expressed in regard to the phrase "lead to disorder", and it is conceded that it is quite proper to preclude anything which might be likely to lead to crime. The argument is made that the phrase "lead to disorder" is vague and that it may give rise to problems. I would quote from the representations made to me by the National Union of Journalists.

The prime difficulty is in defining "disorder". It could embrace many now almost conventional degrees of protest and political action, including strikes, sit-ins, farmers' blockades, and even the housewives' temporary blocking of a road to focus attention on the need for a pedestrian crossing. To report or comment on any of these could be held to invite imitation.

That puts in a nutshell the argument that has been made against this provision. I can see the anxiety there. I can see that any reasonable person would say that, merely because the presentation of something on the television screens or the reference to it in a radio broadcast could cause someone else to imitate it, should not automatically be a ground for excluding the particular matter from the screen or from the radio. I think most people would go along with that, but where do you draw the line? Even if there were not particular reasons for it—and I intend referring to a particular reason in a minute—I feel very strongly that it is necessary for someone in authority, and here it happens to be the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs, to be able to take a firm grip of the situation and say where the line should be drawn.

Why should a broadcasting service, whether it be television or radio, have the right or demand the right to indulge in activity, through their screens or through their microphones, which may lead to disorder? Surely it is up to all of us—and it does not apply only to us as public representatives but to the ordinary law-abiding citizen—to see that the national broadcasting service, either deliberately or accidentally, will not be allowed to incite to disorder. I do not care whether the disorder is grave disorder or a lesser category of disorder; I think it is necessary to take that power. The power was there previously, but it is put in a slightly different way this time. Apart from that, a considerable time ago the people of this country placed an onus on the person who happens to be Minister for Posts and Telegraphs for the time being to ensure that radio or television or any like media would not be used so as to undermine public order or, putting it in another way, would not be used so as to incite to disorder. That is contained in the provisions of Article 40 of the Constitution. It has already been quoted here, but it is no harm to quote it again in this context where it says:

The right of the citizens to express freely their convictions and opinions.

that is one of the fundamental rights which are guaranteed, and then it goes on to say:

The education of public opinion being, however, a matter of such grave import to the common good, the State shall endeavour to ensure that organs of public opinion, such as the radio, the press, the cinema, while preserving their rightful liberty of expression, including criticism of Government policy, shall not be used to undermine public order or morality or the authority of the State.

I do not know that the Minister made this argument in connection with the Bill, but it seems to me that, even if the Minister wanted to get rid of this responsibility, he could not do it because there is a constitutional obligation on him to shoulder this responsibility of seeing that the National Broadcasting Authority cannot be used to undermine public order or morality.

Should the action of the trawlermen blockading the harbour be shown on television screens?

I am not going to set myself up as a judge of what should or should not be shown on the screen, but if the Senator's interjection is intended to mean—I am sure it is not—that the television authority should have a right to show things which would incite to public disorder, then I would say it should not be shown and that they should not have that right.

At this moment it is being shown.

Presumably someone has come to the conclusion that Senator Gus Martin and Senator Michael O'Higgins are not going to get out in their rowing boats and imitate the trawlermen, and that there is little danger of inciting to disorder which would undermine the authority of the State. I am talking about a matter of general principle not about detail. I think that is all we can discuss on this Bill, and I want to come down very firmly and categorically on one side of this argument and say that, as a matter of principle, I think it is right that this section should be there and that there is a constitutional obligation on the Minister to have the powers proposed in this Bill.

Passing on from that, I think section 3 (1) (b) was criticised by Senator Lenihan and, oddly enough, Senator Lenihan himself provided the answer to the criticism. It says in effect that the "foregoing provisions" including this one I have been talking about which prohibits the inclusion of matters likely to incite to crime or to lead to disorder, will not apply to anything which is rebroadcast by the Authority pursuant to a direction given by the Minister under section 6. If one reads that without going into it very much further it seems to be an extraordinary provision and people would obviously ask why on earth should the Minister be in a position to give a direction the result of which might be even against the wishes of the Authority itself, because they, of course, must comply with his direction, the result of which might be to force the rebroadcasting of a programme which would or which might be, for example, partisan, which might be such that it was likely to incite to disorder.

My first reaction on seeing that provision before I considered it more deeply was that I would be content for the Minister to have the power to redirect broadcasting but that I would not be happy that his direction should result in flouting what I regard as a very necessary and very excellent key section of this Bill. However, when one considers it further—and realises that the Minister made clear in his opening speech that when he refers to rebroadcasting he is referring to the rebroadcasting of the full service and not of individual items— obviously, in such an event—once the direction is given and the authority must comply with it, the matter is out of control, so to speak, so far as subsection (1) (a) of section 3 is concerned.

Senator Lenihan raised a point also—and I have some sympathy with this—in relation to subsection (1) of section 3, where it is provided that in applying the balancing provision of this subsection two or more related broadcasts may be considered as a whole provided that every interval between such broadcasts is reasonable. My general reaction to this is that I am not enamoured by that provision. It would be reasonable that the power to balance by providing a programme after an interval should exist as a residual power in the authority, but if it could be achieved I would prefer that the Minister would seek to achieve that the impartiality would be, and would be seen to be, in the programme being broadcast.

I do not know to what extent it would be possible to achieve that. I agree with this power as a last resort measure if there has been an inadvertent, accidental imbalance in the presentation of a programme on any topic. I should like the Authority to have the power to try to counterbalance that situation even after an interval. But if it were possible to deal with it in the other way, I would prefer that other way. I am sure the Minister will have considered this matter and I look forward, when he is replying, to hearing his view on it.

Again, on section 3, another matter which was referred to critically by the NUJ was the provision in subsection (1) (c) of section 3 whereby the Authority are prohibited from unreasonably intruding on the privacy of any individual. This is another area in which I must differ with the journalists. I recognise the difficulties of their vocation, that by and large they must make their living by getting news and that, willy-nilly, they may be put in the position of trying to lift veils, open windows and reveal secrets. I can see that a provision such as this might hamstring to some extent, but is the provision unreasonable from the point of view of the ordinary individual? To look at it in another way, would it be reasonable to give carte blanche to anyone to intrude on a person's privacy? The wording of this subsection is that the authority are prohibited from unreasonably intruding on the privacy of any individual. Therefore, if reasonable steps are taken by journalists under the aegis of the Authority and if these steps cannot be classed unreasonable, it is still open to the Authority through their journalists or other agents to take those steps. What they are precluded from is unreasonably intruding on the privacy of any individual. That is an execellent provision.

Regarding the complaints commission which is dealt with in section 4, again the innovation here is excellent. While I have no criticism to offer regarding it, I should like to present this idea for consideration to the Minister. I doubt the wisdom of the stock exclusion in section 4 of Members of the Oireachtas. This type of provision has become a stock one in legislation when any bodies are being set up. It is regularly provided that no Member of the Oireachtas may be a member of that body, that if a person who is a member of any such body becomes a Member of the Oireachtas he will be required to resign his membership of the former.

I understand the motive behind such exclusions. It is an entirely commendable motive. My personal recollection is, and this is open to correction, that the long line of these present exclusions that now appear regularly in legislation started with the National Newsagency Bill which was being brought before the Dáil by Mr. Seán MacBride who, at the time, was Minister for External Affairs. That would have been about 1949. There were provisions such as these in some of the earlier Acts dealing with the ESB but the present line of exclusions stemmed from the National Newsagency Act. I wonder if the time has not come to look at this provision again and to consider it on its merits. It seems to me that to put it into legislation as a matter of course is a little demeaning of politicians generally. Even from that point of view we should look at it again.

In relation to the complaints commission referred to here I ask the Minister to give this provision very special consideration because, as I have said already on the question of impartiality, probably the most sensitive people in the country are politicians, Secondly, the politicians are in a unique position to reflect what is referred to generally as grass roots opinion, to reflect ordinary public opinion with regard to programmes.

I think the presence of politicians on the complaints commission might be a very good idea. It might strengthen the commission. I would go so far as to ask the Minister to consider the desirability of writing into the Bill a right to the recognised political parties in the Dáil each to nominate a member of the commission or a panel from which the Minister or somebody else could choose whom the actual nominee would be. I have not thought this out very fully but it seems to me offhand that the commission might be strengthened by the presence of politicians among them and that public confidence, certainly political confidence, in the structure of the commission would be established and maintained by giving the right to political parties to nominate representatives.

Section 13 has been subject to comment already and I wish to add my own. Paragraph (a) deals with the general duties of the Authority and states:

be responsible to the interests and concerns of the whole Community, be mindful of the need for understanding and peace within the whole island of Ireland,

I have no objection to that. It goes on:

ensure that the programmes reflect the varied elements which make up the culture of the people of the whole island of Ireland,

What I want to ask the Minister to consider is whether that phrasing of the paragraph does not effectively amount to a blanket exclusion of all other programmes because the duty of the authority is to ensure that programmes will reflect the varied elements and so forth. Supposing there is some other type of programme, say one dealing with rock formation or something like that, which has nothing to do with the people of Ireland, is the Minister confident that such a programme is not excluded because of the statutory duty being imposed on the authority to ensure that programmes will be reflective of particular things? Most of the comment on this section has been with regard to paragraph (b):

uphold the democratic values enshrined in the Constitution,

I should like to join the few others who would ask the Minister some questions on this, to ask him to look at the wording of it again. I appreciate that the Minister was most reasonable in his opening remarks in indicating he would like assistance in working out how these duties should be spelled out. Why single out "democratic values"? What are the democratic values enshrined in the Constitution?

I have gone to the trouble of looking through the Constitution to see if I could find out what the democratic values are. The word "democratic" is mentioned once in the Constitution, in Article 5 which defines the State as being a sovereign, independent, democratic State. I do not think "democratic" or "democracy" is mentioned anywhere else in the Constitution. The Constitution does clearly and manifestly set up a democratic structure. It provides for a freely elected Parliament responsible to the people and a Government responsible to the Parliament. It provides for adult suffrage, it provides for a democratic form of election, and, though the provision was opposed by the successors of those who framed the Constitution, it provides for proportional representation—all structures of a democratic State.

But what are the democratic values? Is it the structures that are intended to be referred to in this paragraph? If so, it seems to me it is probably unnecessary to impose a statutory obligation on the Authority to uphold the democratic structures because they will do that anyhow. If it is the structures that are contemplated I should have preferred that word used in the Bill because whatever values in a political sense—using the word broadly—are enshrined in the Constitution seem to me to be values applicable in a democracy but which would not necessarily be out of place in any other form of State structure.

Why not "uphold the Constitution"?

I was going to come around to that. There are clearly values spelled out in the Constitution but they would not necessarily be regarded as democratic values. There is the concept of the common good, which is referred to throughout the Constitution—for instance in Articles 6, 41, 43 and 45. There is the concept of public morality, referred to, for example, in Article 40, which I have quoted already, and Article 44. These are values which are enshrined in the Constitution but there are also fundamental rights which are regarded as values in the sense we are talking about.

But all these, whether they be rights or values, could be equally relevant in a form of State structure other than a democracy, and consequently I am not sure that that paragraph could not be amended with benefit. I would be attracted to the suggestion of Senator Quinlan that instead of referring to democratic values it should simply refer to the values enshrined in the Constitution. However this is a matter which I imagine the Minister, because of his invitation to the Seanad in particular, will consider further.

There is another what I might call subsidiary point to which I shall refer, not in order to be mischievous but because I think it is relevant. If we refer to the Constitution in this Bill and to a duty on the Authority, which would exist anyway, to uphold the Constitution, we are doing so in a climate in which it is said there is a move for change. It is the present Constitution we are referring to in this Bill, and let us be clear about it. I do not know to what extent there is a mood for change as regards the Constitution. As a person who, if he had been old enough to vote when the Constitution referendum was taking place, would probably have voted against it because the whole discussion at that time was in the political arena and was dealt with on the basis of something which was politically controversial, it is right to say, and I think I have heard my colleague, Senator Alexis FitzGerald say this, that the Constitution has proved to be a valuable document and it has fairly well stood up to the test of time. Certainly, talking for myself, I would like to be able to see and study and understand very clearly any alternatives that were proposed before I would feel justified either in considering for myself or recommending to others that we should depart from the existing Constitution at the moment. The point I started to make was: let it be clear that we are referring to our present constitutional values under this section of the Bill.

I have said most of what I want to say about the Bill. I think the Minister has done an extremely good job not merely in coming forward to this House with these proposals but in his general approach and his general analysis of the position. He does not ask us to subscribe to all of the arguments he made and the questions which he posed, but to my mind he dealt with some of the problems with regard to national broadcasting and television, some of the problems concerning the State, in an outstandingly excellent manner.

I was particularly taken by a portion of his speech which appears at column 788 of the Seanad Official Report of 12th March, where he says:

Commentators insist on the failures of democracy and yet tend to assume the survival of democracy as something to be taken for granted. A strong overt commitment to democracy is less than general: indulgent attitudes to certain of the enemies of democracy are frequent. A free Press, whose life-span can be no longer than that of the democratic State under which it exists and under which alone it can exist, has on the whole turned its critical attention more closely on the faults of that State than on the forces which threaten it.

That was a very profound observation by the Minister and it is one which I hope we will all think over because it is one which bears very deep consideration by everyone engaged in public life.

I should like to begin, since there will not be a great deal else in this Bill which I can thank the Minister for, by thanking the Minister as others have done for introducing this Bill in this House. Unlike another Bill which we will be discussing next week, this is a very suitable Bill for initial discussion in this House. Therefore, I join with the other Senators in thanking the Minister for having taken the opportunity of bringing it here.

We have just heard an interesting speech from the Leader of the House, one with which I did not wholly agree but to a large extent I found myself in agreement with the things he was saying. I should like to refer to one of his early remarks about a statement by Senator Lenihan that we would be resisting this Bill in various Stages, and he suggested that this was perhaps an unreasonable threat to make in view of the fact that the Minister had said in his opening statement that he would be open to consider amendments on the Committee Stage. Of course, we were happy to hear him say this. We would be even happier if, in fact, he did agree to substantial amendments on Committee Stage.

The difficulty is that we have to take this Bill as it stands and have to consider our attitudes to the Bill as it stands on Second Reading. Obviously, the Bill cannot be amended in any respect until the following Stage. Therefore, all we can say is, as Senator Lenihan has said, that the Bill as it stands is totally unacceptable to us and therefore we are forced to vote against it on Second Reading. What happens later, of course, is another story.

This Bill has two distinct aspects. I think one can say in its first aspect, an aspect which I suppose takes up the greater part of the Bill, it is essentialy technical. It makes changes of lesser or greater importance, lesser or greater controversy in the existing administration of our television and radio services and the RTE Authority. Some of the sections concerned are controversial, others less so, but they are essentially technical matters and not of outstanding importance in the sense of being changes in the law which would affect the life of this country for many years to come.

The second aspect, though, covers certain very important, indeed vital, matters of principle in regard to the entire nature of the television programmes that are to be transmitted in this country for many years to come. It is this second aspect which is really vital and it is this second aspect of the Bill which to my mind is extraordinarily dangerous.

If I may deal first very briefly with the first aspect of the Bill—I will go into more detail later on—there is the question of the status of the RTE Authority, a change in the method of their removal, a change which in general though not of profound importance is to be welcomed. There is the question of the statutory rules with regard to objectivity, which was dealt with at some length by Senator O'Higgins. I will also deal with this later on. There is the creation of the new complaints commission. There is the question of local programmes— again to be welcomed, I think on the whole. There is the same controversial matter of the ministerial instruction with regard to incitement to violence, disorder, and so on. Then there are a variety of miscellaneous financial and other provisions such as one tends to see in Bills of this kind. These, as I say, I will deal with in more detail later on, and of course we will discuss them at some length on Committee Stage. As I have said, some are more or less controversial but none is of really fundamental importance. They leave the basic structure of Radio Telefís Éireann essentially unchanged and, indeed, the relatively minor nature of these changes is of some significance. It suggests that those who originally founded Radio Telefís Éireann, laid foundations that have stood the test of time fairly well, as indeed the Minister pointed out in his opening speech.

However, the second and vastly more important aspect of the Bill is what one can only describe as the attempt by the Minister to scrap the entire television service as it has existed until now and in effect to reshape and refashion it after his own image. In simple terms, what the Minister proposes to do is to try to ensure that more than half of all the television programmes transmitted in the Republic of Ireland will derive from Britain, and, indeed, these British programmes, whether BBC 1 or UTV, are deliberately excluded in the Bill from any semblance of Irish control. Allowing for the fact that at present approximately 50 per cent of RTE's own programmes are created in Ireland—I am not sure what the figure is but it is somewhere around that figure—three-quarters, in fact, of all the programmes transmitted in the Republic will be foreign, more in fact, because, as the Minister knows, both BBC and UTV have much longer hours of transmission than RTE and so in actual terms of time expired it is quite clear that the total proportion of foreign material transmitted by RTE, whether directly or indirectly, will be probably well over 80 per cent of the total.

We get on then to the relatively small proportion of programming which is to originate in Ireland and here we find that so far as there will be any Irish programmes, the Authority's instructions, as laid down in section 13, are in effect—in the wording devised by the Minister—to disregard the entire concept of an Irish nation or of Irish nationality. In fact, had the marvels of modern science developed sufficiently so that television could have been inaugurated in 1900 this is just about how it would have been in the conditions when we were still part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

What is the Minister's justification for section 6, which delivers a great part of our television service over to the management of the BBC? It originated in the Minister's initial concept of open broadcasting, a concept now lost—one assumes—irretrievably. I never understood it completely but, so far as one could understand it, the concept was that on the one hand RTE would be completely available as to 100 per cent for the population of Northern Ireland and, on the other hand, one or possibly all the programmes originating in Northern Ireland would be available to all the population of the Republic. This was a concept which created many difficulties, not least the fact that the greater proportion—whether 90 per cent or 98 per cent, I am not sure, but certainly by far the larger part— of programmes transmitted from Belfast, in fact, come over the landline from England. Apart from the problem created by that situation one could see the obvious advantage that the people of Northern Ireland, whatever their political or religious creed, would be able to hear something of how we feel down here and equally, from our point of view, it would be some advantage to be able to increase our understanding of how people feel in Northern Ireland.

Nobody, least of all myself, would object in the least to RTE transmitting programmes which originate and are created in Northern Ireland. If the Minister were to suggest that all UTV or BBC or other television programmes that originate and are created in Northern Ireland should be transmitted here, I would be entirely in favour of it. We would lose nothing and would gain a great deal from hearing say, Ian Paisley or William Craig or Brian Faulkner or members of the SDLP whom we hear anyway. I should like to be able to hear the culture programmes, many of them quite good that originate in Belfast and certainly folk music and entertainment programmes generally originating in Northern Ireland. These would be a valuable addition to our television service. Even for the Minister and those who think like him it would be quite useful to discover that the people of Northern Ireland are not perhaps as orientated to English ways as I think he sometimes tends to feel. For example we all essentially share the same folk music. I do not hold the slightly romantic view that I admit some people hold that Northern Protestants are essentially well-meaning people temporarily misdirected from the true light who, any day now, will turn into full-blown Irish republicans. I do not think that is in fact the position but I think that after 300 years—and more—in Ireland, however much we may disagree with them on many issues or they may disagree with us, they are certainly not English. They are far more Irish than English.

Even their Orange songs which contain sentiments that few of us would be willing to agree with are very often set to Irish tunes. "The Old Orange Flute" has a tune which is the tune of hundreds or scores of ballads and songs both in Irish and English including that rather entertaining Dublin ballad of the Grand Canal called "The Return from the Thirteenth Lock". "The Boyne Water" is set to the old Gaelic tune of "Rosc Catha na Mumhan" which we learned at school. The rather curious little ditty called "The Lament of the Protestant Emigrant" goes to the old Gaelic tune "Grá mo Chroí". There are many more.

However non-Irish our Orange friends may think sometimes they are they certainly use all the best Irish tunes. The problem is that only a very small proportion—I have seen 2 per cent suggested and this seems a bit low—of television programmes broadcast from Belfast originate in Northern Ireland. In general, programmes broadcast either from UTV or BBC originate in England. The Minister has dealt with this by saying —it seems to be rather non sequitur— in the Dáil on 13th June, 1974, as reported at column 1160 of the Official Report:

The situation whereby the services that come to us from Northern Ireland are linked with the British services, ITV and BBC, exists because the majority of the population of Northern Ireland have wanted it that way.

That is a very dubious statement; I suspect things are that way because there is not enough money to produce any more programmes in Belfast. If you ask any Northerner, whatever his politics, if he would like more home-produced programmes from Belfast he would say that of course he would but the money is not there. We all know of these problems of money. The Minister says that this is the way things are because it is the way they want it and that it follows from that that is the way we ought to want it which is where there is a non sequitur. I cannot see the reason behind the argument.

I think the Minister misunderstands the rationale behind the existence of our television service. Suppose we had completely open broadcasting or even a united Ireland so that our own television service was sent to all parts of Ireland one could then put up a good argument for saying that at least 20 per cent of our programmes should be geared to the needs, wishes, desires and the principles of our Unionist fellow countrymen.

As the Minister admits, for some time to come the output of Telefís Éireann will go only to the Twenty-six Counties, with a relatively minor overspill to 10 per cent or 15 per cent of the population of Northern Ireland. Therefore we are not sending our programmes to the inhabitants of the Shankill or Sandy Row. I do not understand why we should gear our programmes to the wishes of the Northern Unionists. I am not saying that we should go out of our way to insult them. But, whether we like it or not, we are programming for the people in the Republic. I should have thought that this was the way we would look at it and not try to cater for 20 per cent of the Irish people who do not agree with our principles and traditions. We could modify our attitudes to suit them, if we had a 32-county Ireland.

The first justification for the curious wording of section 6, which is to bring in the BBC or UTV as a second channel, was that this is the way it is done in Northern Ireland. It is said that since the people there like it, we should also adopt that principle. The second justification is that we must take the BBC or UTV, as the case may be, because they are already available on the east coast. Because of their geographical situation people on the east coast can get these channels. Therefore, these channels should be available to everybody else. This is an irrational argument.

As I mentioned, television from Britain is available to those living on the east and south-east coast because of their geographical situation. Other European countries have land frontiers and in many cases have access to television stations in other countries. For example, in Luxembourg they get television reception from three countries—Belgium, West Germany and France. None of these countries has taken the Minister's attitude. On the contrary, they have tended to take the attitude expressed by Senator Alexis FitzGerald, who said at the end of his speech, reported at column 816, Volume 79, of the Official Report:

If we Irish fail to put things Irish first, nobody else will put them first.

That is a very sound attitude. This is the attitude adopted by various European countries. There is no genuine case in any European country where what the Minister proposes in section 6 has been carried out. The fact that there may be people living along the frontier who can receive programmes from another country has never been used as an excuse for bringing the whole concept of foreign broadcasting into their countries, as suggested here in section 6.

We must look at the second channel for RTE and forget about the chances of geography which have brought BBC and UTV to a certain proportion of homes along the east coast. Not all homes along the east coast get very good reception unless they have cabled television, which covers approximately one-quarter of the population of Dublin. The problem is simple. We have the possibility of a second channel for RTE. What is the best that can be done? To my mind it should be left under Irish control, presumably that of RTE, and used to broadcast a selection of the best programmes available from Great Britain, the United States, Europe and elsewhere. There will be certain problems of language with programmes from Europe but to some extent they can be overcome. There would, of course, be no language problems with programmes from Britain or the United States.

The Minister said in the debate in this House before Christmas that people from Cork, Waterford and Limerick did not want to have their programmes censored in Dublin. He is an expert in using emotive words. Naturally if one goes to any Irishman and says: "Do you want your programmes censored in Dublin?" if he does not live in Dublin he will say "No". I prefer to put it another way. I would ask people in Cork, Waterford or Limerick if they want their television programmes to be chosen by an Irishman or an Englishman. The answer I get will be very different from that given to the Minister.

The Minister used the word "censoring" when he meant "choosing". In every country somebody in the television or radio station must decide which programmes are to go out. He is the censor, although he is not called that. Under section 6 the Minister is to be the chief censor; he is to overrule the authority and decide what programmes are to be broadcast so far as the BBC are concerned. That is an exceptional and, I hope, temporary situation.

The Irish people would prefer these matters to be decided in Ireland rather than England. It is suggested that we get the entire programmes of the BBC from morning till night. We would then be dominated completely by a foreign sense of values. We would be dominated by the slanted news which we know so often exists with regard to Irish affairs on the BBC. Because of the problems presented and the nature of the BBC broadcasts, the Minister has at all stages in the Bill had to exclude them from any effort to maintain cultural values, avoid incitement to disorder and so forth.

On St. Patrick's Day I was looking at a BBC programme from America which interviewed supporters of the Provisional IRA. Under this Bill, and the existing law, those interviews would be forbidden to RTE. As everyone knows Daithí Ó Conaill was interviewed on BBC on a number of occasions. As I said, the Minister made specific inclusions at every stage so that, despite the fact that RTE programmes were to be governed by the provisions of this Bill, BBC or UTV were to be specifically excluded from any semblance of Irish control.

I will agree with the Minister to this extent. There is a feeling in Ireland, particularly in the areas which receive only one channel, that they do not want a second RTE channel. I put it to him that while insisting— and the Irish people would want him to insist—that the second channel should be kept firmly under Irish control, he should try to introduce an element of competition. Ireland is too small to be able to afford a second television authority which would be a very cumbersome way to deal with the situation. Under the aegis of the existing television authority it should be possible to introduce an element of competition between the two channels—for example, the two directors general could be in competition for listeners, advertising and so on.

If one could do this and in particular could show the public that there was this element of competition between the two channels, many of the difficulties which undoubtedly exist at present would be eliminated. I accept completely that there is a feeling among people who are in the single channel areas that they are being kept out of something the other people have.

What would the result be of having these British programmes transmitted in the manner suggested by the Minister? It is quite clear that RTE could not compete in the production of these programmes with the kind of money that is available to the BBC. The average income per head in Britain is almost 50 per cent greater than ours, and they have about 60 million people where we have three million. We would be swamped by this new form of competition. We would be dominated even more than we are at present by a foreign culture, by foreign standards of taste and by slanted news. We have been independent in this part of Ireland for more than 50 years. It is not untrue to say, I think, that even to this day the dominant external influence in our lives is still Britain, socially speaking, culturally, in sport, trade, economics and in many other ways. Much of this is inevitable because of our joint history; much as we may regret it, we did have a history in common. Much of it is inevitable because of the chances of geography. Nonetheless it has always been our consistent effort to try as far as we could to escape from this dominant influence and to create an Irish society of our own.

We entered the EEC for a variety of reasons mainly, I suppose, of a practical and economic nature, but undoubtedly one of the reasons we entered the EEC, and one that persuaded a considerable number of our people to vote for entry, was the feeling that inside the European Community we would be able to expose ourselves to a wider variety of cultures and that we would escape from this dependence on Great Britain. The proposal of the Minister would completely reverse this decision the people took in joining the EEC.

The television has, above all other cultural influences, an overwhelming impact. With the aid of section 6 of this Bill we would be thrown back to a greater dependence on Great Britain than at any time since the nineteenth century. The Minister knows a good deal better than I do that towards the end of the nineteenth century one of the compelling reasons behind the whole concept of the Irish literary revival was that at that time the books were not published in Ireland and the people did not read anything written in Ireland; they only read the third rate novels that came from England, the nineteenth century version of television. One of the main reasons the Abbey Theatre had to be founded was that at that time there were no professional actors or actresses. Those who were writing plays at that time had to import these professionals from London, therefore one of the main reasons, perhaps the main reason, why the Abbey was founded was quite simply to create an Irish company able to act in Irish plays.

No matter what happens with the television service, we are not going to be thrown back completely to the nineteenth century. Fortunately, we now have the ability to maintain our own cultural influences. We have publishers, theatrical companies and so on, but nonetheless in many respects we shall be as much under the domination of our near neighbours under this system, if it ever operates, as we were at any time in the nineteenth century.

One wonders sometimes just who wants this English second channel. Certainly it was not wanted by the Broadcasting Review Body because they suggested, as I have suggested, that the second channel should be given to RTE with a view to their broadcasting the best programmes available from other countries, including Britain, but not exclusively Britain. One can only assume that the RTE Authority do not want the provisions of section 6. Under the 1960 Act the RTE Authority have full power to broadcast programmes from anywhere they like. The only point, as I understand it, about section 6 is that it gives the Minister power to force the RTE Authority to carry out this power in a certain way. It does not give them any power they did not already possess but enables the Minister, as a dictator, to dominate the RTE authority, and to say: "I know you do not want this, but more than half of your television services are to be taken from this British source."

The Minister says the people want this service, but the alternative has never been put to the people in the single channel areas of an Irish programme which would, as I have mentioned, broadcast the best that can be had, and I am not talking about the best in the sense of programmes of high cultural standards. I am talking about pop programmes, every kind of programme that appeals to all kinds of people, highbrow, lowbrow. If one put it to the people that the second channel should be Irish and could take its programmes from all over the world, I think they would go along with this. If we were to explain to them that something more is involved than simply suggesting that they would not want their programmes censored in Dublin, we would find there would be an overwhelming vote against the provisions of section 6.

There are, perhaps fortunately, extremely complex legal problems involved. The way the Minister has put it one would think that all that had to be done was to sign on the dotted line and say: "All right boys, you can take our programmes from now on." There are copyright and other considerations involved; possibly hundreds of people in relation to any particular programme would have rights of one kind or another. The legal problems are so complex that—it may be wishful thinking on my part—it seems to me that they are insoluble. One can only hope they are.

On a more practical level there is the question of the viability of RTE and, in particular, of those who work there. This is a matter on which one must place great importance. However, one must insist that the basic dangerous problem arises—not so much the immediate problems, though these could be very grave for those who work in RTE—of the cultural situation in Ireland for generations, perhaps centuries to come.

Debate adjourned.
Business suspended at 6.5 p.m. and resumed at 7.30 p.m.
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